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Thread: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit



    Quote Pfizer Whistleblower Leaks Execs Emails: ‘We Want to Avoid Having Info on Fetal Cells Out There'
    The Pfizer exec who wrote the email is Philip R. Dormitzer, interesting to see that he was (in 2016) involved in Gain of function research:

    https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK373310/

    Quote Gain-of-Function Research: Summary of the Second Symposium, March 10-11, 2016.
    ...
    Philip R. Dormitzer is vice president and chief scientific officer for viral vaccines in the Pfizer Vaccine Research and Development Unit. He is a board certified internal medicine physician. After studying anthropology at Harvard College and carrying out a field study of the Efe Pygmies in the Ituri Forest of Zaire, he completed his M.D. and Ph.D. in Cancer Biology at Stanford University. Dr. Dormitzer completed house-staff training in Internal Medicine at Massachusetts General Hospital and a fellowship in the Harvard Combined Infectious Diseases Training Program. As an assistant professor of pediatrics at Harvard Medical School, Dr. Dormitzer led a structural virology laboratory. The Dormitzer group and its collaborators determined the structures of the rotavirus neutralization antigens by nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy, X-ray crystallography, and near atomic resolution electron cryomicroscopy. From 2007-2015 Dr. Dormitzer held a series of positions at Novartis Vaccines and Diagnostics, and was global head of research and vice president at a successor company, Novartis Influenza Vaccines. His teams' research and development programs included vaccines targeting influenza, respiratory syncytial virus, cytomegalovirus, HIV, and parvovirus B19. In 2009, he led the research component of the Novartis response to the H1N1 influenza pandemic, supporting the development and licensure of three pandemic influenza vaccines in the most rapid vaccine response in history. In a Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority–funded collaboration with the J. Craig Venter Institute and Synthetic Genomics Vaccines, Inc., the Novartis influenza vaccine research team developed a process to synthesize influenza vaccine seed viruses and deployed the technology in response to the H7N9 influenza outbreak in China. The team's other technology platforms included structurally engineered antigens, adjuvants that target toll-like receptors, and self-replicating messenger RNA vaccines.
    ...

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote This is How You Get Hooked Up with a Fake Vaccine in Israel

    Source: https://www.bitchute.com/video/BtBUCtAxJW7r/

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    On implantable chip technology and the power structure behind it


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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    ...

    ... related to the above:

    RECEIPTS: DoD Joint Artificial Intelligence Center Monitoring Vaxx Deaths! 08:31

    Stew Peters Show
    Published October 8, 2021

    Rumble — Karen Kingston has done it, AGAIN. Kingston is a biotech analyst who joined Stew Peters with RECEIPTS, proving that the theory of Cyrus Parsa is NOT a "crazy conspiracy theory", but the DoD is actually using their Joint AI Intel Center to monitor "vaccine" deaths! Why?

    Last edited by Gwin Ru; 8th October 2021 at 23:48.

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Posted by Houman (here)
    Quote This is How You Get Hooked Up with a Fake Vaccine in Israel

    Source: https://www.bitchute.com/video/BtBUCtAxJW7r/
    could somebody enlighten me what is going on in the vid? how is this a fake vaccine? I must be missing something

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Posted by meat suit (here)
    could somebody enlighten me what is going on in the vid? how is this a fake vaccine? I must be missing something
    Not sure if I'm seeing the same thing as everyone else, but when viewing the video in full screen mode and watching the angle of the needle, it appears that it's not being inserted into the person.
    "Be a Light to Yourself" ~ J. Krishnamurti

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Posted by ClearWater (here)
    Quote Posted by meat suit (here)
    could somebody enlighten me what is going on in the vid? how is this a fake vaccine? I must be missing something
    Not sure if I'm seeing the same thing as everyone else, but when viewing the video in full screen mode and watching the angle of the needle, it appears that it's not being inserted into the person.
    Yes, look at the angle of the needle.

    Also, have you ever given a needle to anyone or an animal? I had to inject one of our lamas with an antibiotic once. It takes a couple of seconds to administer the needle and squeeze the plunger (if that is what I is called).

    Anyway, watch closely and see how fast it occurs in the video clip.

    What is this from anyway? What is the point? Are they allowing people to get through the process but not accept the injection?

    That would be good for those who have to be injected, but it would show a lot of people not having a negative affect from the jab.

    If this is the case, at least some people escaped through the cracks in the system.

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Posted by Patient (here)
    What is the point?
    Well if you were into eugenics, racial regeneration/improvement/purification and into "cleansing" a segment of your population,
    then a vaccination program would be a good opportunity if you wanted to do it covertly (rather than overtly) and selectively

    https://www.jstor.org/stable/40541701
    http://libgen.li/ads.php?md5=09646b8...5.2009.01575.x

    Quote Zionist eugenics, mixed
    marriage, and the creation of a
    ‘new Jewish type’
    Dafna Hirsch The Open University of Israel
    The application of racial categories to the Jews by Zionist physicians and anthropologists in the first
    half of the twentieth century has been the focus of several recent studies. In these studies
    ‘nationalism’ serves as the primary explanatory framework for Zionists’ embrace of racial concepts.
    This article focuses on the discourse of Zionist men of science, both in Europe and in Palestine,
    concerning the repercussions of mixed marriages on Jewish racial qualities. It argues that Zionist
    racial discourse, and eugenic discourse in particular, cannot be interpreted in terms of ‘nationalism’
    alone. In some contexts ‘race’ was used to establish Jewish unity, whereas in others it was used to
    establish diversity and hierarchy among Jewish groups. This contradictory use of ‘race’ is explained as
    stemming from the ambiguity of racial categories and from the tension between a nation-building
    project and a cultural project of Westernization which took place in the context of Zionist
    colonization in the Orient.jrai_1575 592..609
    In the early twentieth century, debates concerning the racial nature of the Jews were
    taking place in both Western and Central Europe and the United States. Recent scholarship
    has shown that Jews were not only objects of racial classification and discrimination,
    but also applied racial concepts to themselves in various ways and for various
    purposes (Efron 1994; R. Falk 2006; Goldstein 2006; Hart 2000). While these debates
    were not confined to scientific fields, scientific and popular-scientific discourses were a
    major arena in which the discussion on the racial nature of Jews took place.
    The work of Jewish race scientists has been the subject of several recent studies
    (Efron 1994; R. Falk 2006;Hart 2000; Kiefer 1991; Lipphardt 2007; Y.Weiss 2002; see also
    Doron 1980). As these studies suggest, among Jewish physicians, anthropologists, and
    other ‘men of science’1 in Central Europe, proponents of the idea that the Jews were a
    race were found mainly in the ranks of Zionists, as the idea implied a common
    biological nature of the otherwise geographically, linguistically, and culturally divided
    Jewish people, and offered scientific ‘proof ’ of the ethno-nationalist myth of common
    descent (Doron 1980: 404; Y.Weiss 2002: 155). At the same time, many of these proponents
    agreed that the Jews were suffering a process of ‘degeneration’, and so their
    writings advanced the national project as a means of ‘regeneration’ and ‘racial improvement’
    (R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000: 17).
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    In these studies, nationalism is shown as the primary and often exclusive explanatory
    framework for the embrace of racial concepts by Zionist men of science: ‘race’ is
    seen as a concept that naturalized the connection between Jews all over the world. Yet
    ‘race’ was identified not only with ‘nature’, but also with ‘culture’. The signifiers of race
    were not only – not even always – biological, but also social and cultural. Thus the
    identification of ‘race’ with ‘nation’, which gained momentum in the second half of the
    nineteenth century, and of ‘nation’ with ‘biology’ and ‘culture’, was rife with contradictions
    from the start. In this article I demonstrate, through an analysis of scientific and
    popular-scientific texts written by Zionist men of science, first in early twentiethcentury
    Central Europe, then in Palestine during the British Mandate, that the racial
    discourse was used not only to distinguish Jews from other nations, but also between
    groups within the national collective.2
    Out of the extensive body of literature on questions of Jewish biology and Jewish
    racial improvement, I shall focus on texts that deal with the repercussions of mixed
    marriages on Jewish racial qualities. Through my analysis of these texts I argue that
    the employment by Zionists of a racial discourse, and eugenic discourse in particular,
    cannot be interpreted in terms of ‘nationalism’ alone. The Zionist project of Jewish
    ‘racial improvement’ was a social and cultural, no less than a national and biological,
    one. In the Zionist case, the nation-building project was fused with a cultural project
    of Westernization. ‘Race’ was an integral concept in certain versions of nationalist
    thinking, and in Western identity (Bonnett 2003), albeit in different ways. In the
    discourse of Zionist men of science, ‘race’ served different purposes, according to the
    context in question. In some contexts ‘race’ was mainly used to establish Jewish unity,
    while in others it was used to establish diversity and hierarchy among Jews. The latter
    use was more common in texts which appeared in Palestine. It resulted from the
    encounter of European Zionists with Eastern Jews, and from the tension between the
    projects of nation-building and of Westernization in the context of Zionist settlement
    in the East.
    Thus my main concern in this article is to examine the logic of the Zionist
    application of racial categories to the Jews, both in Central Europe, where a racial
    definition of Jewish identity was common among Zionists, and in Palestine, where
    the signifier ‘race’ became a much less prevalent vehicle for collective identity representation,
    but where racialized notions of Jewish peoplehood have informed – and
    continue to inform – Jewish self-perception (Kaplan 2003). For this purpose I employ
    a discourse-analytical approach, looking at the ways in which ‘race’ functioned in
    discourses that exhibited both continuity in the transition from Europe to Palestine
    and differences. Medical discourses were one of the main corpuses which applied
    notions of ‘Jewish biology’, and a Jewish need for ‘physical regeneration’, to the Jews
    of Palestine.
    My point of departure is an article which appeared in Palestine in 1934, under the
    title ‘Ingathering of the exiles [kibbutz galuyot], eugenically considered’. Its author
    argued that mixing the different Jewish ethnic groups would be conducive to the
    improvement of the Jewish race.Although the author was not a physician or a biologist
    but a psychologist, his text reflects some of the basic assumptions of Zionist eugenic
    discourse. I chose to anchor my discussion in this text not so much because it represented
    a majority position among Zionist men of science in Palestine, but because it
    demonstrated some of the tensions inherent in the Zionist appropriation of racial
    thinking.
    Zionist eugenics 593
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    ‘Ingathering of the exiles, eugenically considered’
    In winter 1934 a short article, entitled ‘Ingathering of the exiles, eugenically considered’,
    appeared in the Journal of the Jewish Writers’ Association in Palestine, Moznayim
    (‘Weighing Scales’). In this article, written as an address to the Jewish physicians and
    teachers of the Yishuv3 – the Zionist community of Palestine – the author, Dr I. Rubin,
    calls on them to research the ‘psycho-biological specificity’ of Jewish children in Palestine
    in general, and those who attended ethnically mixed educational institutions in
    particular (Rubin 1934: 92).4
    I. Rubin, pen-name of Israel Rivka’i, was a well-known figure in the Yishuv. Psychologist,
    pedagogue, and literary scholar, he devoted considerable attention to the
    shaping of the new Jewish generation that was growing up in Palestine. Besides his work
    as an educator, he wrote and edited many books and articles on questions of education
    in general, and of Jewish children in Palestine in particular. He also founded and
    headed the Paedological Institute for Parents, established by the Jewish Workers’ Sick
    Fund in 1930, in order to educate parents in childcare through courses, exhibitions, and
    other educational activities.
    Rubin’s article opens with the assertion that the return of the Jews to the country of
    their ancestors is primarily a ‘great eugenic revolution in the life of the nation’:
    ‘A bit of an economic relief for those who are suffering and being persecuted in the Diaspora’ –
    certainly, ‘A bit of political freedom’ ... – yes, but all these are mere details. ... the important thing is the
    sum-total of them all: the creation of a new, corrected and perfected type of Hebrew. Therefore, a
    psycho-biological approach to the problem of settling Eretz Israel [lit. the land of Israel] is imperative to
    all of us! (89, emphasis in the original).
    Rubin conceded that the desire to shape a new type of Jew was not unique to
    Zionists (89), but argued that in Palestine there were better conditions for the purpose
    than in the other destinations of Jewish immigration (90). One of these conditions was
    the ingathering of Jews from all over the world. Indeed, he writes, such a gathering
    exists in every Jewish community, but nowhere is it as richly variegated as in Palestine.
    In other places, he states, the immigrants either originate from a single country, or
    settle in groups according to their country of origin, without inter-mixing. But in
    Palestine, owing to the territory’s small size, and to the ‘sentiment for mixing and
    uniting of all parts of the nation, found to some extent in the heart of all who come to
    the country’, the melting pot is not only ‘a static and objective fact, but also a dynamic
    and subjective one – an orientation of the will’ (90). This mixing, writes Rubin, has
    eugenic consequences:
    It is an elementary eugenic truth, for example, that mixed marriages between nations and races have
    a strong eugenic value, that infusion of new blood can only heal and strengthen – and contrarily: if
    mating takes place only within the restricted confines of one nation, the result is nothing but
    degeneration and decline for this nation. From this perspective, if I may add in passing, the Nazis’
    racial doctrines, which lead a fierce battle against mixed marriages with non-Germans, non-Aryans,
    as though for the benefit of the German people, have nothing to do with the true eugenic doctrine. On
    the contrary: Hitler’s ‘racial doctrine’ stands in absolute contrast to the ‘doctrine of eugenics’ (91,
    emphasis in original).
    If Rubin seems to be preaching intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews, the following
    paragraph makes his intention clear:
    594 Dafna Hirsch
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    And so, the ingathering of the exiles in Eretz Israel permits mixed marriages not between Jews and
    non-Jews, but between Jews and Jews, between Jews of different ethnic and territorial origins. Does
    not that alone promise a great extent of eugenic salvation?
    How to account for Rubin’s smooth glide from mixed marriages between ‘nations
    and races’ to those between ‘Jews of different ethnic and territorial origins’? As I argue
    below, the transition from ‘nations and races’ to groups within the national collective
    was essential to racial discourse, as was another smooth transition in Rubin’s text –
    from mixed marriages to mixed educational institutions, that is, from biological mixing
    to social and cultural contacts. In what follows I try to deal with these transitions on
    two levels: that of scientific and popular-scientific racial discourses, and that of the
    socio-cultural politics of Zionism, with their interrelationships.
    Zionism and eugenics
    In the final decades of the nineteenth century, Jews were subjected to radical biologization,
    particularly in German culture. They were presented as an Oriental race (Hess
    2002), with distinct physical and mental qualities. In this process, traits and stereotypes
    previously attributed to the Jews were redefined in terms of their ‘racial nature’: small
    stature, weak constitution, a disposition towards nervousness and mental disease,
    higher life-expectancy than non-Jews, and more (Efron 1994; Hart 2000). Yet German
    science was not uniform in its view of the Jewish race. ‘Race’ itself was an ambiguous
    and controversial concept, and besides the strict Darwinian approach there were more
    flexible interpretations, in which the Jewish racial nature was accessible to negotiation
    and re-signification (Morris-Reich 2006: 3-4).
    According to Joachim Doron, Central European Zionists embraced the perception
    of Jews as a race, since it allowed them to replace religion, both as a source of legitimacy
    and as an integrative force, with a scientifically sanctioned notion of common biology
    as the ground on which to base the national identity (1980: 404). Since the rise of the
    Zionist movement coincided with the growing popularization of eugenics,5 it is hardly
    surprising that Zionist men of science – most of whom were either born or educated in
    Central Europe – appropriated the eugenic idiom to describe the Jews as a race undergoing
    a process of ‘degeneration’, and the national project as a path towards ‘regeneration’
    and ‘racial improvement’ (Efron 1994; R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000).
    Jewish ‘degeneracy’ had been a persistent idea since the emancipation debates in
    France and Germany in late eighteenth century (Hess 2002: 6, 15-16). Zionists were not
    unanimous in their position on this matter, but most of them agreed that even if the
    Jews were not yet degenerate, given their present ways of life and living conditions, their
    physical and mental stock was constantly deteriorating.However, they rejected a deterministic
    explanation, which anchored Jewish degeneracy in the fixed characteristics of
    the race, and instead embraced explanations which emphasized external influences of
    history, environment, and culture (Efron 1994: 12; Hart 2000: 11-12).
    Although Zionist men of science described the entire Jewish Diaspora in Europe as
    degenerating, their discourse suggested a division between the overly modernized Jews
    of Western Europe and the ‘Oriental’ Jews of Eastern Europe (Hart 2000; see also
    Khazzoom 2003). Even when they noted common Jewish traits, their aetiology differed
    between these two collectives: in the case of East European Jews, degenerative symptoms
    were seen mainly as the products of poverty, persecution, and ‘a low level of
    civilization’; in the case ofWestern Jews, degenerative symptoms were seen as the result
    Zionist eugenics 595
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    of modern ways of life and of the process of assimilation. Zionism was presented as the
    solution to these problems. Political sovereignty; acquisition of land; an independent
    economy, which would bring about a change in Jewish occupational structure; a switch
    to manual labour; and in the case ofWestern Jews, who were not considered candidates
    for immigration before 1933, stopping the process of assimilation – all these were
    presented as means not only of solving the political and economic problems of the
    Jews, but also of improving the Jewish race (R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000).
    The force of such concepts as ‘degeneration’ and ‘racial improvement’ lay partly in
    the fact that they were not confined to scientific discourse. Already in his speech to
    Jewish philanthropist Baron Hirsch in 1895, the founder of the Zionist movement,
    Theodore Herzl, exclaimed that before anything else the race had to be improved – the
    Jews must be made work-loving, warrior-like, and virtuous (Herzl was specifically
    referring to the Jews of Eastern Europe) (Kellner 1905: 29-30). One might argue that
    Herzl was using the phrase ‘racial improvement’ metaphorically, not in any biological
    sense. But this argument ignores the central, and sometimes constitutive, role of
    metaphors in scientific theories and discourses (Gissis 2002; Stepan 1986). It was
    precisely concepts such as ‘degeneration’ and ‘racial improvement’ that travelled
    between discursive fields and helped to blur the distinction between the biological, the
    political, and the social, as well as the distinction between metaphor and an actual
    project of ‘improvement’. Eugenic movements were founded as movements of social
    reform by the middle classes. Studies of the history of eugenics have shown that,
    although racial distinctions were inherent in the eugenic worldview, the discipline
    developed as a programme to control the procreation of various groups within the
    nation (e.g. Stepan 1982: 125; S.F. Weiss 1990: 10-11). In fact, in the early eugenic
    discourse, race and class were often represented in interchangeable terms. In other
    words, eugenic movements usually urged the same human ideal that was upheld by
    various environmental and reform movements, even though they often (but not
    always) disagreed about the extent to which they were willing to ascribe the capacity
    for change to different social groups.
    Mixed marriages in the writings of Zionist men of science
    in Central Europe
    In the writings of Jewish men of science in Central Europe – both Zionists and
    non-Zionists – the question of the biological effects of mixed marriage occupied a
    central place (Lipphardt 2007). In fact, Rubin’s argument regarding the eugenic benefits
    of mixing between ‘nations and races’ was without precedent in the writings of
    Zionist men of science from the early decades of the twentieth century. Although not
    all of them addressed the biological effects of mixing, they were unanimous in denouncing
    the disintegrative effects of intermarriage, and noted with alarm its growing rate in
    Western Europe.
    Zionists were by no means the only group among the acculturated German Jewry
    who were concerned about the spread of intermarriage (Kiefer 1991: 88), but it was
    mainly Zionists who dealt with its repercussions in the scientific discourse of ‘racial
    purity’ and the damage caused by racial mixture. The question of Jewish racial purity
    was at the heart of most works on the physical anthropology of the Jews (Efron 1994:
    97).Until the late nineteenth century, German anthropologists tended to regard Jews as
    a pure race, as a result of their practice of endogamy (Efron 1994: 20).At the same time,
    they distinguished between two types of Jews: the Russo-European round-skulled, fair
    596 Dafna Hirsch
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    brachycephalic type, and the Oriental long-skulled, brownish dolicocephalic type. The
    origins of these types became one of the central questions in anthropological discussion
    of the Jews (Efron 1994: 24; Kiefer 1991: 17-18).
    At the turn of the twentieth century, following the work of the German anthropologist
    Felix von Luschan, the assumption that Jews were a mixed race became widely
    accepted in race science. The question of the anthropological origins and racial composition
    of the Jews moved to the fore. Von Luschan maintained that the ancient
    Hebrews consisted of at least three distinct races – the Aryan Amorites, the Semites, and
    theMiddle EasternHittites – but that mixing with additional elements took place in the
    course of Jewish life in the Diaspora (Kiefer 1991: 31-3; von Luschan 1892: 99).
    Most of the Zionists who wrote about Jewish racial composition accepted von
    Luschan’s theory, and at the same time attempted to reconcile it with the idea of Jewish
    racial purity, which juxtaposed romantic notions of the ‘pure nation’ with the traditional
    Jewish objection to intermarriage. For example, the Zionist physician Leo Sofer
    described a process which he termed ‘distillation’ (Entmischung), by which the ‘strong
    races’ maintain their original racial character, despite processes of racial mixture (Vermischung).
    According to Sofer, research of Jewish family genealogies had proved that in
    the second or third generation born from a mixed marriage a ‘distillation’ occurred –
    instead of having mixed offspring, the different germ cells split, so that some of the
    offspring constituted ‘pure cultures’ of the original ‘strong race’, while others constituted
    pure cultures of the weaker race. In this way, after several generations the purity
    of the race was restored (Sofer 1902; 1905). Othermen of science, such as Elias Auerbach
    and J.M. Judt, argued that mixtures had indeed occurred in antiquity, but since then the
    Jews have refrained from marrying with other nations, and thus developed a unique
    racial type (Auerbach 1907; Judt 1903; see also Efron 1994: 127-41).
    Sofer, Auerbach, and Judt focused on the biological characteristics of the race.
    However, already in their time the focus of the scientific discourse on race began to shift
    from physical measurements, as the basis for the anthropological effort to provide a
    positivistic definition of race, to an idea of race as manifested primarily in mental and
    spiritual qualities. These qualities, which were taken to be fixed and heritable, were
    thought to determine the cultural achievements of human groups. The main two
    representatives of this trend among Jewish race scientists were Arthur Ruppin, a trained
    lawyer who gained his scientific publicity through his works on the racial and sociological
    characteristics of the Jews, and the Austrian physician Ignaz Zollschan. Both
    sought to establish in their writings the value of the Jewish race, and its contribution to
    ‘human culture’. Both claimed that, while the Jews lagged behind other ‘strong races’ in
    some qualities, there was no other race which exceeded them in intellectual capacities.
    For Ruppin this was the result of a process of natural selection, where only the brightest
    and most diligent survived (Ruppin 1914: 134-5). Ruppin, and later also Zollschan,
    regarded mixed marriages as one of the main dangers which contemporary Jews faced.
    In the second edition of his early and most influential book, The Jews of today, Ruppin
    claimed that it was possible to recount the whole history of the Jewish nation in terms
    of a struggle between ideas of segregation and maintaining racial purity, on the one
    hand, and the tendency to assimilate, on the other (1914: 13).6 According to Ruppin,
    intermarriage, which he showed to be increasing in correlation with the group’s degree
    of exposure to modern civilization and assimilation, was destined to cause a deterioration
    of the Jewish racial type. Both Ruppin and Zollschan maintained that only the
    progeny of parents belonging to the same race could quite fulfil the ‘racial potential’,
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    whereas a child born of a mixed marriage would possess only mediocre capabilities.
    Following the French scholar of race Count Gobineau, Zollschan regarded racial
    mixture as one of the main causes of the demise of nations. He called upon the Jews to
    aspire to attain ‘racial purity’ and avoid ‘racial chaos’ (Zollschan 1914: 36-40; see also
    Efron 1994: 153-64).
    On the face of it, Zionist physicians’ objection to mixed marriages reflected the
    dominant position in European science, which associated miscegenation with inferiority,
    low fertility rate, and degeneration in general (Stepan 1985). But the scientific
    discussion of the eugenic implications of mixed marriages was more complex. In the
    beginning of the twentieth century, attributing positive effects to mixing became
    more widespread – especially since many European nations were considered to be
    racially mixed, and a sweeping condemnation of miscegenation meant admitting that
    some Western European nations were themselves degenerate. In addition, following
    Darwin, endogamy came to be regarded as a problematic factor, causing an intensification
    of ‘racial weaknesses’. Scientists therefore distinguished between mixing
    ‘distant’ races, to which they attributed a degenerative influence, and the mixing of
    ‘related’ races, such as the different European races, which could have positive effects.
    Consequently some German physicians, among them the founder of the German
    ‘racial hygiene’ movement, Alfred Ploetz, supported mixed marriages between
    Germans and Jews in order to infuse new blood into the German nation (Kiefer 1991:
    138; S.F. Weiss 1990: 18).
    As racist doctrines gained more prominence in Germany, the voices which emphasized
    the ruinous effects of German-Jewish mixing grew louder. The main proponents
    of these ideas, such as Theodore Fritsch andWilhelm Marr, depicted racial mixture as
    a poisoning of the ‘pure essence’ of the nation, synonymous with physical and spiritual
    degeneration. Two figures whose writings exercised a fundamental influence on these
    ideas, especially the belief in a hierarchy of races, the superiority of ‘pure races’, and
    Aryan supremacy, were the British writer Houston Stewart Chamberlain and the
    French writer Gobineau. It should be noted that, in spite of some similarities between
    them, they differed in their views of Jews – whereas Chamberlain thought that the Jews
    were a nation with a ‘bastard’ character, which resulted from the mixture of physically
    and mentally antagonistic racial elements, Gobineau lauded Jewish purity (Kiefer 1991:
    107-8; Young 1995: 99). Ironically, some Zionist men of science referred to the works of
    racists like Chamberlain and Gobineau in their efforts to prove Jewish racial identity or
    racial purity (e.g. Sandler 1904: 8; Theilhaber 1911: 4).
    From inter-racial mixture to intra-racial mixture
    ‘Race’ was not a primary signifier of Jewish collective identity in Palestine.Most Jews of
    the Yishuv came from Eastern Europe, where factors such as religion, language, and
    territorial concentration anchored Jewish national identity. Nevertheless, the language
    of race was not uncommon in the Yishuv. Moreover, as Steven Kaplan (2003) has
    argued, racial notions of ‘Jewish biology’ and Jewish common descent have implicitly
    informed, and continue to inform, Jewish self-perception. At the same time, ethnic
    differences among Jews were often conceived in biological-cum-cultural terms.
    Among the central mediators of racial notions to the people of the Yishuv were
    medical and biological discourses. Although a full-fledged institutionalized field of
    race science did not develop in the Yishuv, scientific and popular-scientific discourses
    incorporating racial and eugenic concepts circulated widely in the Jewish public
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    sphere. As I noted earlier, immanent within the Zionist idea was the assumption that
    European, especially Eastern European, Jews had to be ‘improved’. In the words of Dr
    Mordechai Brachyahu, an East European-born physician and one of the leading
    hygienists in the country: ‘The material from which we must take the cornerstones
    for the new edifice is in large part flawed and defective from several aspects, flawed
    and defective in itself, and in relation to the “race” ’ (Brachyahu 1919). Although this
    assumption was commonplace among physicians and other public figures in the
    Yishuv, an organized eugenic movement did not develop in Palestine. One reason
    may have been that these movements usually focused on advancing eugenic legislation,
    which was impossible in the absence of Jewish sovereignty. The most physicians
    could do to exercise control over procreation was to recommend premarital examinations,
    a measure which was instituted in various European and American states
    around that time (Gerodetti 2006; Health certificate 1931: 332; Matmon 1933: 75).
    Several ‘advisory stations’ on questions of sexuality and marriage were opened for
    this purpose, mainly by the two largest Jewish health organizations, the Workers’ Sick
    Fund and the Hadassah Medical Organization. Yet it seems that most of the people
    who visited the stations sought advice on sexual matters rather than on marriage
    (Berman 1936: 122).
    In any event, focusing on measures that specifically target procreation betrays a
    narrow concept of eugenics (Stepan 1991). During the BritishMandate period a massive
    effort by Zionist health organizations to educate the Jewish public in health and
    hygiene took place in the Yishuv (Hirsch 2007).Many of the physicians involved in this
    effort, of whom the majority had received their professional training in the Germanspeaking
    countries, perceived their work in eugenic terms. For example, Dr Yaacov Zass
    wrote that ‘[e]ducation in hygiene is of great value, not only for the present generation,
    but also for the next ones, for racial hygiene’ (1929: 87). From the late 1920s especially,
    various studies were published which compared the physique of Jewish children in
    Palestine with that of Jewish children in various European countries. The physicians
    employed these comparisons to show that the Jewish race was indeed improving in
    Palestine. Even if most people did not think of the importance of health maintenance
    as contributing to the improvement of the race, ideas of Jewish degeneracy in the
    Diaspora and the need for ‘physical regeneration’ were widespread.
    On the other hand, mixed marriages, which were not a mass phenomenon in
    Palestine as they had been in Europe, occupied only a marginal place in Hebrew
    medical discourse. Nevertheless, we find occasional references to racial mixture and
    its physical and mental consequences. Until the early 1930s, the position of physicians
    on this matter was sweepingly condemnatory. Thus Dr Jacob Norman, in his booklet
    The hygiene of pregnancy, wrote: ‘A mixed marriage of people from two different
    races, even from different classes, with their different habits, is an unhappy marriage’
    (1929: 29).
    In the early thirties a shift took place in the scientific discourse on racial mixture.
    William Provine defines it as a shift ‘from condemnation to agnosticism’ (1973: 794). It
    was partly the result of scientific developments. In the late 1920s and early 1930s,
    geneticists began to acknowledge the fact that human heredity was more complex than
    they had thought. They became reluctant to make positivistic claims about hereditary
    racial differences and the consequences of racial mixing. In addition, data collected by
    anthropologists in the US and Britain showed that mixed populations were no more
    diverse than ‘racially pure’ populations. But more than anything else, what made
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    geneticists reconsider theories of racial mixture was the Nazi application of racial
    doctrines. Many scientists attacked Nazi racism, and although some did not deny the
    existence of hereditarymental differences between races, they argued that there was not
    enough genetic evidence with which to assess the genetic quality of hybrid offspring
    (Provine 1973: 794). For obvious reasons, several popular-scientific essays on this topic
    published in Hebrew around that time, and especially after 1933, rejected the ideal of
    racial purity and emphasized instead the eugenic benefits of mixing. For example, an
    article written by the German-Jewish physician Julius Michelson, which appeared in
    the daily paper Ha’aretz in 1931, stated that ‘according to one of the main tenets of the
    new medical anthropology, nations and families perish when they lack foreign blood’;
    the journal Bri’ut (Health) published a synopsis of a lecture given by the famous Italian
    statistician and theoretician of fascism Corrado Gini in Tel Aviv in summer 1933, where
    he claimed that ‘a nation which wants to persist needs to mix its blood ... with new,
    external blood from time to time’ (Litvak 1933: 157).
    Several of the articles on racial mixture which appeared in this period emphasized
    the eugenic benefits of mixing different Jewish ethnic groups; Rubin’s article was one of
    these. The first teacher of zoology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, Fritz Bodenheimer,
    for example, argued in a lecture in 1934 that most scholars of anthropology and
    related disciplines took racial mixing to be a foundation for the creation of culture and
    for the flourishing of nations, because it fostered a ‘harmonic union’ of its component
    elements. Zionism, too, argued Bodenheimer, strove to unite all the different elements
    in the Jewish race in order to create a ‘harmonious Jewish type’. According to Bodenheimer,
    the fact that the Jewish race was made up of such diverse elements was an
    important factor in preventing the rise of ‘a single general will for the entire nation’.
    Bodenheimer attributed ‘the strong antagonisms’ between various factions of the
    Yishuv to blood differences between Jewish groups (Bodenheimer 1936: 139).
    Although mixing was often defined in general terms – i.e. mixing between ‘descendants
    of different countries and ethnic groups’ – it is clear that the term ‘mixed
    marriage’ referred to marriage between European Ashkenazi Jews and Mizrahi, or
    ‘Oriental’, Jews – that is, Jews from Muslim countries,7 as the following quote from
    Rubin’s article demonstrates:
    We ... will not make ‘high culture’ alone a standard for determining the good and positive influence
    between one part of the nation and the other in our community in Palestine. It is clear to us that we,
    Ashkenazi Jews, who presumably exceed our brothers from Yemen etc. in ‘high culture’, can still, and
    in spite of it, acquire much and receive much from these Yemenite brothers of ours etc. (91).
    As Rubin’s use of ‘etc’. demonstrates, racial discourse at the same time established a
    variety of ‘Oriental’ Jewish types, and postulated a dichotomy between Ashkenazi and
    Mizrahi Jews. For example, DrWalter Falk wrote in an article entitled ‘Observations on
    the development of babies in Emek Yisrael’: ‘The difference between Ashkenazi and
    Sephardi Jews is so great, that biologically we can talk about two races.And even within
    these ethnic groups we can detect different parts, each with its own unique pattern’
    (1936: 394).8
    The term ‘Sephardi’ was sometimes applied to the descendants of the Jews who
    originated from Spain and had been living in Palestine for generations, as opposed to
    other Mizrahi communities. Alternatively, as in the case of Dr Falk, it was applied to
    Mizrahi Jews in general, many of whom had arrived in Palestine shortly before, or
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    concurrently with, the Zionist immigration waves from Europe. During much of the
    Ottoman rule, Palestine’s Sephardi community was politically and economically predominant
    in Jewish society. In the second half of the nineteenth century their position
    began to weaken. It further declined in the beginning of the twentieth century, with the
    growing Zionist immigration from Eastern Europe, and especially after the FirstWorld
    War, the creation of the British Mandate, and the rise of Jewish national institutions.
    Political and social power shifted to East European Zionists, who became the majority
    of Palestine’s Jewish population. During the Mandate period, Mizrahi Jews were disproportionately
    concentrated in the lower and lower-middle classes, and were generally
    unassimilated into Zionist society and institutions, with the exception of some, mainly
    Sephardi, groups.
    In fact,medical discourse was an important mediator of Orientalist ideas to the Jews
    of Palestine. Public medicine was one of the main fields of regular interaction between
    Ashkenazi and Mizrahi Jews during the Mandate period, and this was reflected in the
    presence of Mizrahi Jews in this discourse. It often depicted members of various
    Mizrahi communities as variations on a single type – they were described as primitive,
    superstitious, ignorant, neglectful of their children, passive, lacking drive and the will to
    change – in general, as an essentially different type, physically and mentally, from the
    immigrants from Europe.
    The racialization of Jewish groups did not originate in Palestine. As noted earlier,
    already in the late nineteenth century, race scientists distinguished between Ashkenazi
    and Sephardi Jews, who were perceived as two distinct ‘racial types’. However, in the
    works of European Jewish scientists, Sephardi Jews were usually presented as the polar
    opposites of the degenerate Ashkenazi ghetto Jews. For many Jewish scientists, particularly
    the Zionists among them, Sephardi Jews represented the ‘original Jew’, and thus
    their image combined the idea of a glorious Jewish past with the prospect of a national
    ‘rebirth’ (Efron 1993). This was a racialized version of the ‘myth of Sephardi supremacy’,
    developed by German Jews back in the beginning of the emancipation process, in order
    to distinguish themselves from East European Ashkenazi Jews. In the eyes of German
    Jews, East European Jews embodied the past from which they sought to flee. By
    contrast, the affluent and assimilated Sephardi communities of Amsterdam, London,
    and Bordeaux provided a Jewish model of cultural openness and social integration
    (Schorsch 1989). The myth of Sephardi supremacy did not lose currency at the turn of
    the twentieth century, as Ashkenazi Jews were associated with the Jewish immigrant, the
    ‘outsider’, who was perceived as a threat to the successful integration of Western Jews
    (Endelman 2004: 72-3).
    In a variety of texts written when Jewish nationalist immigration to Palestine was
    getting into its stride, we find examples of the discourse on Sephardi Jews as being a
    healthier type than Ashkenazi Jews (e.g. Kaniel 2000: 370). With the rise of Zionist
    immigration and the process of Westernization, this construction was gradually
    replaced by that of ‘the primitive Oriental’. In the medical discourse, moreover,
    Sephardi Jews were never presented as superior to European Jews, although for some
    physicians they represented a more positive type than members of the other Mizrahi
    communities.While in various spheres of Yishuv life, members of the Sephardi community
    functioned as agents of modernization, and were more inclined to integrate
    into Zionist society and institutions than other Mizrahi communities (Bartal 1977;
    Herzog 1984), they were considered ‘Oriental’ none the less. TheWesternization of East
    European Jews in the context of Zionist settlement in the Middle East demanded that
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    they distinguish themselves from the ‘Oriental’ sections of the Jewish population. The
    latter were sometime regarded as the ‘primitive races’ within the Jewish race. Psychiatrist
    Abraham Rabinowitz wrote:
    We should also note our own primitive races (Bokharan,Georgian, Persian, etc.). Their consciousness,
    with its meager contents, poses no special claims to life, it surrenders in a slavish manner to external
    conditions, and therefore does not experience collisions and produces a small percentage of functional
    nervous and mental diseases. The progress of civilization and its penetration into these groups will
    undoubtedly affect them, and they too will produce a considerable percentage of neurotics, psychotics,
    etc. (Rabinowitz 1930: 10-11).
    Although Rabinowitz regarded the ‘Oriental communities’ as ‘primitive races’ –
    indeed, because of it – he described them as mentally healthier than European Jews.
    Medical discourse was ambivalent about East European Jews, viewing them as both
    objects and subjects of a ‘civilizing mission’ in the Orient. The list of their ‘pathologies’
    included defects associated with ‘a low level of civilization’, such as poor personal
    hygiene, and some which were identified with, or directly attributed to, modern civilization,
    such as a high rate of neuroses and psychoses (Zalashik 2004), or a low
    birth-rate. From this perspective, the notion that Ashkenazi Jews, too, could be
    improved by mixing with Mizrahi Jews reflected a variant of Orientalist discourse, in
    which the Orient was not only a region of decadence and degeneration, but also a
    potential cure for the diseases of theWest (Young 1995: 52). For example, Bodenheimer
    implicitly suggested in his lecture on eugenics that the main contribution of Mizrahi
    Jews to the improved Jewish type which would develop in Palestine was the high
    birth-rate among them, together with their abstemiousness and their ability to endure
    harsh living conditions (Bodenheimer 1936: 141-2; R. Falk 2006: 156-7).
    For Rubin, Bodenheimer, and others, mixed marriages were a means of erasing the
    biological and cultural variation among Jews, and creating a new Jewish type, ‘corrected
    and perfected’, which would be superior physically and mentally not only to ‘our
    Yemenite brothers’, but also to the ghetto Jews of Eastern Europe. The critique of the
    Eurocentric bias of Zionist ‘melting-pot’ ideology is well established (e.g. Shohat 1988)
    and need not be repeated here. It should be noted, however, that most positions on the
    topic of Mizrahi Jews were much less tolerant than Rubin’s. A typical instance of the
    dominant Hebrew discourse on Mizrahi Jews was a piece written by writer and educator
    Kadish Yehouda Silman which appeared in a popular volume of short essays on
    childcare edited by Dr Yosef Me’ir and by Rubin himself, writing under his own name
    as Rivka’i. In his article ‘On members of the Oriental communities and their education
    among us’, Silman writes:
    These are members of the lowest strata we have among the Jews ... children from these strata arrive in
    theHebrew schools as savages, their only education having been beatings by mom and dad ...Not only
    do these children lack any education and preparation for school, but their senses appear sealed, and
    they are not alert to what is being done and said ... Laziness and carelessness are the mark of Orientals,
    with few exceptions ...
    And so on and so forth. According to Silman, only the satisfaction of introducing ‘rays
    of light and enlightenment’ into these youngsters, and through them into their parents,
    enabled the teachers to continue with the arduous task of teaching these ‘problem
    children’ (1936: 86-8).
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    From biology to culture and back
    It may be argued that, although Rubin’s application of concepts like ‘racial mixture’ and
    ‘eugenics’ to marriage between members of different Jewish ethnic groups is problematic,
    his argument is not incompatible with present-day genetic knowledge.However, as
    I implied at the outset, Rubin did not conclude his argument by promoting inter-ethnic
    marriages. Right after discussing the ‘eugenic salvation’ offered by mixed marriages, he
    defines it as a ‘maximal programme’.His ‘minimal programme’ was ‘reciprocal relations
    between the various elements making up the mixture, elements of different cultural
    levels and mental traits’ (91), attained primarily through common education. After all,
    as Rubin himself admitted, in spite of the ‘sentiment for mixing and uniting’, in
    Palestine, too, people continued to form communities according to their countries of
    origin. In fact, during the Mandate period, spatial segregation between Mizrahi and
    Ashkenazi communities only increased (Lissak 2001: 193-4), and the rate of marriage
    between these groups was negligible (Polak 1945: 38).
    Why, then, is Rubin’s use of the term ‘race’ significant? If ‘mixing’ can also mean
    common education, then the biological aspect, although inherent in Rubin’s way of
    thinking, can be considered a mere ‘supplement’, not an essential element of his discussion.
    Yet, without taking Rubin’s use of ‘race’ into account, it is difficult to explain
    the way his discussion keeps shifting from the physical to the mental and the intellectual
    – in which he includes traits which are today associated primarily with ‘culture’ –
    and back again. Directly after his discussion of common education he moves to
    ‘changes in the physical and mental constitution of children of “mixed marriages” ’
    (91), and then to ‘the changes in mental constitution of our children in Palestine in
    general, and of those who are educated in institutions common to members of all
    ethnic groups in particular’ (92), and so on.9
    The rise of the category ‘race’ in the eighteenth century was due to the application of
    the classificatory approach of the biological sciences to human collectives – like biological
    categories, human groups were classified according to visual markers, which
    were related to assemblages of social, cultural, and cognitive traits (Gissis 2004). In this
    process, social and cultural differences between human groups came to be perceived as
    ‘natural’. The identification between ‘biological race’ and ‘culture’ gathered force
    throughout the nineteenth century. Linguistics and comparative anatomy – previously
    two separate methods for analysing racial differences – were brought together, as
    differences in ‘cranial capacity’ were related to differences in cultural achievement and
    level of civilization. In the second half of the century especially, the idea that race was
    a determining factor not only of culture, but in fact of the entire human character and
    history, gained ground. Hence ideas about ‘the pure nation’, and ‘national culture’,
    intimately bound with the soil from which they sprang, were closely related to the
    development of racial ideologies and of the idea of permanent and hierarchical differences
    between national-racial types (Young 1995: 42, 122).
    However, the identification between biological race and nation, and between them
    and ‘culture’, was full of contradictions from the start. Race, writes Robert Young, has
    always been a cultural, as well as a political, scientific, and social construction; their
    partial overlap makes them interdependent and inseparable (1995: 93). The partial
    overlapping of different constructions of ‘race’ can explain some of the tensions and
    contradictions typical of racial discourse, as well as the instability of racialized representations
    of collective identities, the fact that these representations cannot be fixed
    exclusively at either of the poles, the cultural or the biological.
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    These tensions can be demonstrated in the work of Ruppin, one of the main
    proponents, among Zionist men of science, of the approach that identified ‘race’ with
    mental, intellectual, and cultural traits. Ruppin, whose books were widely read in the
    Yishuv, exerted enormous influence on various aspects of Zionist colonization and
    society- and culture-building. He was one of the main architects of Jewish settlement
    in Palestine, both with regard to land purchase, in his capacity as the head of the
    Palestine Office of theWorld Zionist Organization, and in shaping the forms of settlement;
    he had a central role in devising Zionist immigration policy, and took part in
    founding the systems of Jewish law and education in the country. Although it is
    impossible to establish a one-to-one correlation between his racial ideas and his Zionist
    work, the production of a better breed of Jews was one of his central concerns.10
    In his The sociology of the Jews, Ruppin claimed that the Jews were a mixed race, and
    that pure races did not exist. Following his teacher von Luschan, he attributed to the
    Jews triple racial origins, and argued that the three main groups of Jewish descent –
    Babylonian, Sephardi, and Ashkenazi – were composed of the same elements, only in
    different proportions (Ruppin 1934: 15). However, as I mentioned in reference to The
    Jews of today, for Ruppin one of the central aims of the Zionist project was preserving
    the purity of the Jewish race.According to him, since the Jews have practised endogamy
    for centuries, each group constituted a unique ‘racial type’. The group which, in his day,
    represented the foremost Jewish racial type were Ashkenazi Jews, as they constituted the
    great majority of world Jewry (1934: 14-16).
    In The Jews of today Ruppin writes that the pioneers of the new national culture, and
    the national project in general, would come from the ranks of East European Jews.
    Although economic, social, and political factors, no less than cultural ones, made this
    fact a commonplace, Ruppin explained it exclusively in terms of ‘culture’ – East European
    Jews had preserved the unique national culture, whereasWest European Jews had
    become so removed from it that they could not be expected to want to take part in its
    regeneration. In fact, if we follow the logic of his racial thought, then East European
    Jews should have been considered a ‘better type’ thanWestern Jews, since they did not
    mix with other races to the same extent. But this was an argument Ruppin could not
    make, as it subverted the conventional classification of ‘human types’ according to their
    ‘level of civilization’. Instead, he had to account for the fact that the pioneers of the
    rejuvenating national culture came from the group which was considered less civilized.
    He therefore distinguished between the ‘ideational content’ of East European Jewish
    culture, which was not inferior to that of ‘European nations’, and its ‘experiential
    content’ – namely modern science, ‘feeling for nature’, and other markers of ‘the
    civilized’ – which was the lowest compared to other European nations. However,
    according to Ruppin’s theory in The Jews of today, the process of modernization to
    which East European Jewry would inevitably be subjected would lead to the same fate
    as that of Western Jewry, namely disintegration and miscegenation. A national project
    of colonization, on the other hand, would make it possible to boost the ‘level of
    civilization’ of East European Jews, without risking the disintegration of the nationalracial-
    cultural collective through the abandonment of the unique national culture and
    miscegenation (Ruppin 1914: 165-7).
    In the second volume of The sociology of the Jews, in a chapter dedicated to eugenics,
    Ruppin writes that ‘eugenic requirements in the choice of marriage partners are becoming
    popular in Europe. This way Jews with degenerative symptoms are destined to
    refrain from procreation and the race will continue to be purified’ (1935: 77). This
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    sentence betrays the meaning of ‘purity’ for Ruppin: it is a purity which cannot be
    explained solely on the basis of his theory of Jewish racial composition, but should be
    understood as referring to a specific construction of a person; a construction in which
    class and racial membership went hand in hand with assumptions about physical,
    mental, and cultural characteristics.
    On the face of it, Rubin and Ruppin represented two contrasting options: while
    Rubin believed in the benefits of mixing, Ruppin preached purification (see also
    Ruppin 1918: 381). In fact, both Rubin and Ruppin encouraged the creation of a uniform
    Jewish type in Palestine, ‘improved’ by comparison with the Jews of the Disapora,
    through some measures of regulation from above. Both were also opposed to mixing
    between Jews and non-Jews.
    Common to Rubin and Ruppin was also the assumption that different ethnic groups
    represented distinct physical and mental types. Towards the end of his article Rubin
    relates how he asked teachers who had been working in ethnically mixed schools for
    many years to describe the specific qualities of children from different descent groups,
    but ‘except for a few general sentences, which did not alter the picture, they had nothing
    to say’ (93). The absence of such specificity was not an option for Rubin – to him, the
    teachers’ inability to identify ethnically specific traits only proved that not enough
    research had been done.
    Conclusion
    The concept of ‘mixture’ assumes the existence of distinct entities which preceded it.
    The notion of racial or ethnic mixture has become so commonplace that we no longer
    see how radical is the idea that people from different descent groups are in fact different
    types of people, to the extent that they can be ‘mixed’. As the case study of the Zionist
    discourse on racial mixture demonstrates, concepts of ‘mixing’ and ‘purification’ are
    products of categorization processes and boundary-drawing between human groups.
    ‘The hybrid’ is no less a construct than ‘the pure’; both are a function of the political,
    social, or cultural work that these concepts were supposed to perform in a specific
    context.
    This article has discussed the changing attitudes of Zionist men of science towards
    mixed marriage. The change in the scientific discourse on the biological effects of
    mixing, together with the perception of Jewish ethnic groups as distinct races or ‘racial
    types’, in the context of Zionist melting-pot ideology, resulted in the argument that
    marriage between members of different Jewish ethnic groups was conducive to the
    improvement of the Jewish race. As my analysis seeks to show, the boundaries of race
    were not fixed and static but fluid and dynamic, sometimes passing between national
    groups, sometimes between groups within the national collective.
    Today ideas about the benefits of mixing between Ashkanazi and Mizrahi Jews
    persist in Israel in a widely held assumption that a constantly growing rate of intermarriage
    between them will eventually lead to the creation of a new Israeli Jewish type,
    free of any ethnic branding, and so to the solution of the ‘ethnic problem’ – i.e. the state
    of inequality between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim. Therefore, it is argued, this issue
    does not deserve too much attention. In the words of former Labour Party MP Hagai
    Marom, ‘Our children marry one another, this nation exists in a melting-pot framework,
    and I don’t suppose there is a real problem’.11
    From a social-scientific perspective, Marom’s assertion contains a misleading
    assumption. As Barbara Okun has shown, changes in marriage patterns between the
    Zionist eugenics 605
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    Ashkanazi and Mizrahi communities are not a linear process, but a complex, differential
    one, influenced by various social, cultural, and historical factors (2001: 62). Moreover,
    as long as Israel’s position in the Middle East continues to be that of a colonizing
    power, which regards itself as the political and cultural agent of the West in the East,
    there will always be some groups within Jewish society which will be considered
    ‘Oriental’. What, then, is behind the fantasy of the ‘snowball’ of mixed marriages?
    Undoubtedly, this is not a fantasy about solving social problems, but rather a liberal
    fantasy of ‘purification’ – a fantasy about the disappearance of a certain group of
    people, not by coercion, but through a seemingly ‘natural’ process. In the fantasy which
    leaves the social and cultural work to biology, ‘mixing’ and ‘purification’ appear as two
    sides of the same coin.
    NOTES
    Research for this article was done in the framework of the Forum for the Study of Israeli Society and
    Culture at the Jerusalem Van Leer Institute, 2004/5. My thanks to Gadi Algazi, Etan Bloom, Raphael Falk,
    Snait Gissis, Yael Lotan, Smadar Sharon, Yehouda Shenhav, and the participants of the Forum for contributing
    to this article in various ways. Special thanks to the anonymous readers of the JRAI for their instructive
    comments. A different version of the article appeared in Hebrew, in Y. Shenhav and Y. Yona (eds), Racism in
    Israel (Jerusalem: Van Leer, 2008). All translations from Hebrew and German are mine.
    1 Many of those who wrote on Jewish racial qualities and Jewish eugenics were physicians, not scientists in
    the strict sense of the word. I therefore use the more inclusive category ‘men of science’ to refer both to
    professional scientists and physicians and to amateur scientists who produced scientific and popularscientific
    writings on these topics. I did not come across any women scientists who had written about these
    issues.
    2 Ann Laura Stoler (1992) makes a similar point in the context of French and Dutch colonialism in
    Southeast Asia.
    3 The meaning of the Hebrew word Yishuv is ‘settlement’ – both as a noun and as gerund.
    4 Further references to Rubin’s article appear in the text with page numbers only.
    5 There is by now a vast body of scholarship on the history of eugenics in various countries around the
    world (see, e.g., Adams 1990; Carlson 2001; Kevles 1985; Robertson 2002; Stepan 1982; Turda & Weindling
    2006).
    6 Ruppin’s book appeared first in German in 1904, under the title Die Juden der Gegenwart: eine sozialwissenschaftliche
    Studie. The Hebrew translation was made from the second edition, which appeared in 1911.
    7 My use of the term Mizrahi here is anachronistic. Today this term is used to signify resistance to
    Ashkenazi hegemony. Contemporary designations varied. Most frequent was ‘Edot Hamizrah’, lit. ‘Eastern
    communities’, which today carries derogatory connotations. By Ashkenazi, I refer to the new immigrants
    from Europe, and not to the orthodox Ashkenazi community, which was treated as a separate category (yet
    often lumped together with Mizrahi Jews under the category of the ‘Old Yishuv’).
    8 It should be noted that on the few occasions that the term‘race’ was applied to Arabs in these sources, it
    was almost always to indicate the racial kinship between Jews and Arabs, and thus refute the claim that the
    Jews were colonizers who came to exploit the local population. Needless to say, none of the authors who
    wrote about it would have favoured intermarriage between Jews and Arabs.
    9 Other examples given by Rubin of factors which affect the ‘mental constitution’ of ‘the Jewish man in
    Palestine’ were ‘mass proletarianzation’, resulting from ideology, not economic necessity; a new spoken
    language; ‘a feeling for the homeland, in a nation with a past of constant wanderings’; and the transition from
    urban life in Europe to rural life in Palestine (93).
    10 For an analysis of the connection between Ruppin’s racial thought and his activities as policy-maker and
    ‘culture planner’ in Palestine, see Bloom (2007). His analysis, however, differs from mine in several respects.
    11 Marom said this in a discussion (in the popular TV programme Politics, 28 December 2004), on the
    question whether it made sense to offer a separate, Mizrahi narrative of the history of Zionism.
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    Eugénisme sioniste, mariages mixtes et création d’un « nouveau type juif »
    Résumé
    L’application de catégories raciales aux Juifs par les médecins et anthropologues sionistes de la première
    moitié du XXe siècle a fait l’objet de plusieurs études récentes. Dans celles-ci, le « nationalisme » est le cadre
    principal d’explication de l’adoption des concepts raciaux par les sionistes. L’auteure se concentre ici sur
    le discours des hommes de science sionistes, en Europe aussi bien qu’en Palestine, à propos des
    répercussions des mariages mixtes sur les qualités raciales des Juifs. Elle avance que le discours racialiste
    sioniste, et en particulier le discours eugénique, ne peut être interprété uniquement en termes de
    « nationalisme ». Dans certains contextes, la notion de « race » a été utilisée pour établir l’unité des Juifs,
    608 Dafna Hirsch
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    mais dans d’autre elle a servi à diversifier et hiérarchiser les groupes juifs. Cet usage contradictoire de la
    « race » s’expliquerait par l’ambiguïté des catégories raciales et la tension entre un projet de création
    d’une nation et un projet culturel d’occidentalisation qui s’inscrivait dans le contexte de la colonisation
    sioniste au Proche-Orient.
    Dafna Hirsch is a visiting lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Political Science, and Communication at
    The Open University of Israel. Her Ph.D. dissertation focuses on the inculcation of ‘hygienic’ models of
    conduct among the Jewish community of Mandate Palestine.
    Department of Sociology, Political Science and Communication, The Open University of Israel, POB 808
    Raanana 43107, Israel. dafnahi@openu.ac.il
    Zionist eugenics 609
    Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 15, 592-609
    © Royal Anthropological Institute 2009
    Last edited by Houman; 10th October 2021 at 05:46.

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Posted by Patient (here)
    Quote Posted by ClearWater (here)
    Quote Posted by meat suit (here)
    could somebody enlighten me what is going on in the vid? how is this a fake vaccine? I must be missing something
    Not sure if I'm seeing the same thing as everyone else, but when viewing the video in full screen mode and watching the angle of the needle, it appears that it's not being inserted into the person.
    Yes, look at the angle of the needle.

    Also, have you ever given a needle to anyone or an animal? I had to inject one of our lamas with an antibiotic once. It takes a couple of seconds to administer the needle and squeeze the plunger (if that is what I is called).

    Anyway, watch closely and see how fast it occurs in the video clip.

    What is this from anyway? What is the point? Are they allowing people to get through the process but not accept the injection?

    That would be good for those who have to be injected, but it would show a lot of people not having a negative affect from the jab.

    If this is the case, at least some people escaped through the cracks in the system.
    I see, thank you.
    there is also of course the possibility of long cues of crisis actors waiting for their fake fabs to make it look more popular than it rally is.

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote OPINION
    Abp. Viganò: the ‘pandemic Sanhedrin’ is spinning a ‘labyrinth’ of COVID lies
    Our ‘Ariadne's thread’ is the defense of the family, of the social and religious fabric of the nation, of our culture which is inescapably Christian, Catholic and Roman.


    Mon Oct 11, 2021 - 2:19 pm EDT
    (LifeSiteNews) — The following is a translation of Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò’s address to the Italian People gathered in Rome and throughout Italy on Saturday.

    You have gathered today in Rome, in Piazza del Popolo, and in many other squares in Italy, as hundreds of thousands of people around the world manifest their opposition to the establishment of a global tyranny. Millions of citizens of every nation, in the deafening silence of the media, have been shouting their own “No!” For months: No to pandemic madness, No to lockdowns, curfews, the imposition of vaccinations, No to health passports, to the blackmail of a totalitarian power enslaved by the elite.

    Almost two years have passed since the beginning of this planetary nightmare. We entered a labyrinth step by step. At the beginning it was the masks indoors; then came the lockdowns with self-certifications; then the curfew … remember? Each time, faced with an abuse that might seem justified by the emergency, we have accepted to let ourselves be deprived of a bit of freedom. Step by step. They prevented us from going to church, leaving the house, working, going to school, visiting loved ones and even dying relatives in the hospital. Step by step. At a certain time of the evening, in our streets, we saw only the riders for the Amazon and JustEat deliveries: New victims of the Great Reset, new slaves of the System, together with many small entrepreneurs, owners of shops, bars and restaurants, forced into bankruptcy by absurd, illegitimate and counterproductive rules.

    Not to mention the psychological breakdown that has affected many of us, from the youngest to the oldest: some deprived of any social contact, the others confined in the RSA without treatment, condemned to die by a ministerial protocol. Step by step, we got used to the idea that a Technical-Scientific Committee could decide — so at least we were told — that the virus circulated only after 6 p.m., or that it hit standing and not-sitting patrons in bars, that it infected in churches or museums but not on commuter trains or buses full of students.

    Step by step, they made us believe that a seasonal flu like any other coronavirus could kill thousands of people, without however telling us that general practitioners and hospital wards had been forbidden to administer treatment, waiting for the disease to worsen. They did not tell us that COVID, on the recommendation of the health authority, had to be treated as a lung disease, while it was of circulatory origin; they did not tell us that autopsies had been prohibited and that the corpses were cremated, to prevent them from discovering the causes of the disease and understanding how to cure it.

    But in the meantime they showed us General Figliuolo’s military trucks, loaded with corpses; and they were careful not to explain that those trucks contained a few coffins, accumulated in Bergamo after a period in which the funeral home had been prevented from collecting the bodies and organizing their funerals. But what an impact, on the entire population, confined at home in front of the television, hypnotized by media terrorism, scientifically planned according to the most cynical principles of propaganda!

    Think of the elderly, far from their loved ones, deprived of any comfort, even spiritual — even priests were forbidden to access to administer Extreme Unction! — forced to suffer this daily hammering, to see their bed neighbor die, to witness the despair of people even more lonely than them. Today we discover that the administration of Propofol, an anesthetic used to induce pharmacological coma, was not only practiced by the Primary of Montichiari arrested for voluntary murder, but was common practice in all hospitals, as confirmed in an interview by the President of the Primaries and as Dr. Rock.

    In practice, they are telling us with the utmost tranquility that last year the seriously ill of Covid, before being intubated, were sedated with Propofol, in the knowledge that this would have caused their death. And they tell us so brazenly, because they are evidently convinced that none of us will have anything to object, that no magistrate will open a file, that no journalist will denounce this latest scandal, that no politician will dare to criticize the Prime Minister or the Minister of Health.

    Step by step, we have come to see ourselves forced, in order not to lose our job and to be able to carry out normal activities, to present a document — the green pass — which certifies the state of health of contagious and contagious vaccinated and substantially unreliable masks. Because, as you know, the vaccine does not protect against infection and the masks do not guarantee that the result corresponds to reality. For what? For a flu that could be cured — and which in many cases has been cured with documented success, where they left it — but which had to be incurable, in order to legitimize the testing of vaccines in derogation from ordinary rules.

    And always in these days — days when the truth seems to come more and more to light — we learn from the statements of some doctors that swabs, on the basis of which they confined us to the house or forced us to ridiculous and exhausting quarantines; the swabs they imposed on us to detect positive cases to use for the famous expert statistics are unreliable. And they tell us today, with impunity, after having ruined the economy, the social fabric, the psychophysical balance of an entire nation. But if those swabs aren’t needed today, they weren’t needed yesterday either; and not only the “conspiracy theorists” said so, but their own inventors, claiming that they had no diagnostic use. But since today masks need to be delegitimized because they are the only alternative — albeit expensive — to the inoculation of the experimental gene serum, they are magically no longer reliable, whereas before they were by law. A bit like COVID after 6 p.m.

    A little while ago I mentioned the labyrinth into which we have entered. More precisely: A labyrinth in which we found ourselves following those who promised us to get out, knowing full well that it has no exit. With every step we have taken, entering the maze of this labyrinth, we have strayed and lost.

    Because this IS a labyrinth. A tangle of pseudoscientific affirmations, of logical contradictions, of apodictic proclamations, of dogmas proclaimed by the new COVID priests, by the pandemic Sanhedrin.

    There is nothing consequential and rational in what we are told, and it is precisely in believing that what they tell us makes sense, that we go further and further into the labyrinth. “Let’s get vaccinated to save the frail and the elderly who cannot be vaccinated,” they told us, while vaccinating the frail and the elderly. “Let’s get vaccinated to be able to take off the masks and start living again,” and shortly after we discovered that not only should we have to wear the masks, but that one dose of serum was no longer enough, and not even two, and perhaps not even three.

    Meanwhile, the frail and the elderly die of COVID even after the double dose, and if they survive it is because in hospitals — deny me, if you can — for some time the patients of COVID have been given azithromycin, making it appear as a cure against intestinal parasites but knowing full well that it is used against the virus. In order not to undermine the credibility of vaccines, certainly not for the health of patients.

    We have to get out of this maze, dear friends. But we cannot get out of it by simply protesting against the green pass, which is only the most recent tool of repression, and certainly not the last. Of course: The green pass is a legal aberration, a hateful blackmail, a proof of the pretext of the pandemic alarm; but if also revoking the green pass, there would remain the absurdity of considering a curable virus deadly that has not caused more deaths than those of the past few years; the absurdity of wearing masks that are not only useless — by the very admission of the “experts” — but which, on the contrary, cause serious lung diseases and brain pathologies; the absurdity of considering a “vaccine” as a drug that does not serve to give immunity and that proves to have such serious side effects, to overcome the deaths of all vaccines in the last ten years in just a few months of administration; the absurdity of letting us inoculate an experimental drug that acts on our DNA, making us genetically modified organisms; the absurdity of following directions and protocols that seem written by sorcerers and not by conscientious doctors, given the series of counter-orders that have now reached the pathetic.

    The absurdity of seriously and calmly refuting statements so scandalous and false that they do not deserve an answer. Draghi’s: “Whoever gets vaccinated is saved, whoever doesn’t get vaccinated dies” is a lie; to say “The vaccinated do not die from Covid” is false, just as it is false to say that COVID is a deadly disease, since it becomes such only if it is not treated. And it is false that there are no treatments, because those much discredited treatments are now used by the European authorities for preventive purposes on the Afghan refugees we welcomed a few weeks ago.

    It is all false. False data on deaths from COVID. False reliability of the swabs. False efficacy and non-dangerousness of vaccines. False admissions in intensive care. False “non-correlation” of “sudden illness” affecting the vaccinated. False news alerts, false services of entertainment programs in which the usual “experts” and virostar intervene, false the predictions of statisticians. Let’s get out of the maze!

    We reject the media narrative, perhaps deciding to turn off the television, which today has turned into an infernal tabernacle. Let’s break the logical short circuit of those who demand our consent even when they lie shamelessly. And to get out of the labyrinth, dear friends, it is necessary to look at things with a look that is not limited to single facts, but sees them all in a broader framework, in which the pandemic is a social engineering tool artfully provoked with the aim to take us to the green pass, to total control, to the limitation of natural and constitutional freedoms in the name of a Great Reset that none of us want, that no one has ever asked us to vote, which concentrates power and wealth in the hands of an elite — that of the “philanthrocapitalists” like Gates and Soros — and who consider the rest of humanity as a reservoir of slaves and customers, to whom to give that minimum of money — created out of nothing and which weighs on them as a debt — that it serves to allow them to buy the goods that this elite produces; goods produced with cheap labor, of course, forced to do everything to survive. While he prepares to sell us air, water and sunlight, perhaps under the pretext of the green emergency and under the pressure of Greta Thunberg’s ridiculous Fridays for Future.

    We leave the labyrinth, recognizing that there is a problem of authority: civil authority that does not pursue the common good of citizens, and religious authority that has not only stopped caring for the eternal salvation of the faithful, but delivers them into the jaws of an infernal dragon. We get out of the labyrinth by learning to use critical judgment, not to be deceived by those with a record of such abuses, lies and crimes, so as not to let us assume that they will behave differently with us. We leave the labyrinth realizing that a world war is underway, fought not with real weapons, but with unconventional weapons, such as censorship of information, the enslavement of doctors, the complicity of politicians, magistrates and law enforcement agencies; a war that leaves innocent victims in its path, that destroys society, that affects people in the soul even before the body, that has been declared against everything that recalls our civilization, our culture, our faith, the our values. A war between light and darkness, between good and evil. We must recognize that, if we have come to this point, we owe it in large part to our infidelity, to letting others decide for God what is right and what is not, to allowing that in the name of tolerance allowed the violation of natural law and the degeneration of Christian morality, the murder of children in the womb, the killing of the sick and the elderly, and the corruption of children and young people.

    What is happening today is the poisoned fruit of decades of dissolution, of rebellion against the Law of the Lord, of sins and vices that cry out for vengeance in the sight of God. Providence shows us how the world can become, when it abandons the Lordship of Jesus Christ and places under the bondage of Satan.

    Mine are not apocalyptic words — as some say — but a severe warning, as a Pastor, to return to God, to recognize that where Christ the King and Mary Queen do not reign, the cruel and ruthless tyranny of the devil reigns, which promises universal brotherhood, while he wants only your destruction on earth and your eternal damnation.

    Jesus Christ is King and Lord of History, in His hands are the fates and destinies of each of us, of the States and of the Holy Church. He will not allow us to succumb to the onslaught of the enemy of mankind. Return, let us all return to him, with the trust of the prodigal son who humbly asks his father to forgive him and to welcome him back into his home. Let us go back to being Christians, proud of our Faith and of the civilization that Religion has built up in the course of two thousand years of history. Let’s go back to defending in civil and political commitment those non-negotiable values that today we see denied and trampled on. But above all — I beg you, I implore you — let us go back to living in the Grace of God, to frequent the Sacraments, to practice the virtues, to be Christians consistent with the promises of Baptism, authentic witnesses of Christ.

    To get out of the labyrinth, it is necessary to retrace the path taken backwards: our “Ariadne’s thread” is the defense of the family, of the social and religious fabric of the nation, of our culture which is inescapably Christian, Catholic and Roman.

    We Italians are not racists! In the name of Charity that over the centuries has represented one of the pride of Christian Europe, we can welcome those who are persecuted and proscribed by their country, but we cannot be responsible for the exploitation of millions of migrants, under the pretext of hospitality. We know that their immigration to Europe was planned by the elite to destroy our civil, cultural and religious identity; it serves the elite to create social chaos, to introduce underpaid labor, to foment wars among the poor and to deprive the countries they come from of their young people.

    To get out of the labyrinth, we must resist with courage and firmness, as our fathers were able to oppose the dictatorships of the last century. Civil disobedience, coordination of protest actions, contacts with the movements of other states, union in an anti-globalist alliance that ensures help and support against the authorities subservient to the system. A serene resistance, nourished by the awareness that the world envisaged by the Great Reset is not our world, since it is founded on an ideology of death, on an anti-human and anti-Christic thought, and which is based only on the strength of weapons or on blackmail towards those who cannot rebel.

    They forget, these wretched servants of the New Order, that theirs is a utopia, indeed a hellish dystopia, which is repugnant to all of us precisely because it does not consider that we are not made of electromagnetic circuits, but of flesh and blood, of passions, of affections, of acts of heroism and generosity. Because we are human, made in the image and likeness of God, endowed with intelligence and free will. But this, the demons cannot understand: for this they will fail miserably.

    And so that this day on which you publicly and courageously manifest your opposition to the impending tyranny does not remain sterile and devoid of supernatural light, I invite you all to recite with me the words that the Lord has taught us. Let us do it with fervor, with an impulse of charity, invoking the protection of Our Lord and His Most Holy Mother on all of us, on our families, on our homeland and on the whole world:

    Our Father, who art in heaven …

    COVID vaccines have been 'designed to kill off the population'
    Mother Miriam Live


    Source: https://www.rumble.com/video/vku6kh

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit



    Quote The Incorruptibles

    The Incorruptibles are saints whose bodies are miraculously preserved after death, defying the normal process of decomposition. St. Cecilia is probably the first saint known to be incorrupt, but the bodies of these saints can be found in many places throughout the world.

    They are not like mummies, for their skin is soft and their limbs pliable, nothing at all like the dry, skeletal remains of mummies. Under usual circumstances, nothing at all has been done to preserve the bodies of these saints. In fact, some of them have been covered in quicklime, which should have easily destroyed any human remains, yet it has no effect of these saints. Many of them also give off a sweet, unearthly odor, and others produce blood or oils that defy any scientific explanation.

    Modern science relegates the incorruptibles to the status of mummies, pretending it understands and can comfortably categorize these saints. How then do the scientists explain the fact that a year and a half after the death of St. Francis Xavier, a medical examiner placed a finger into one of the saint’s wounds and found fresh blood on his finger when he withdrew it? Or that when a finger was amputated from St. John of the Cross several months after his death, it was immediately observed that blood began to flow from the wound? Or the case of St. Nicholas of Tolentino, whose arms have frequently bled over the last 400 years?

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit


    Quote BREAKING: Pfizer Senior Director of Worldwide Research Vanessa Gelman RUNS from Veritas' Questions

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Posted by Houman (here)

    Quote BREAKING: Pfizer Senior Director of Worldwide Research Vanessa Gelman RUNS from Veritas' Questions
    I have to admit, I got a sort of morbid pleasure watching this hag scamper and scurry into her mansion.

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit


    Quote I EXPERIENCED A HORRIFYING DIMENSION OF HELL AND MUST WARN PEOPLE!

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Source: https://www.brighteon.com/embed/8a5c6be0-bb13-46bb-9f44-76ff24772e3d

    Quote EXPOSED, THEY ARE TRYING TO CUT OFF THE FOOD SUPPLY!!

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Quote Sean Stone returns to SGT Report to expose the Satanic elite. He has an incredible new docu-series out called 'Best Kept Secret' and it will blow you away. Get it HERE now:
    https://vimeo.com/ondemand/bestkeptsecret

    Source: https://www.bitchute.com/video/y3lyPe54DHTq

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    https://rumble.com/vnr5qf-melissa-strickler-lsntv.html
    Quote BOMBSHELL: Pfizer whistleblower says vaccine 'glows,' contains toxic luciferase, graphene oxide compounds

    Melissa Strickler, a Christian, recently went public with insider emails showing Pfizer executives wanted to hide the vaccine's connection to aborted-fetal cells. Now, she tells Jim Hale in this exclusive LifeSite interview that the company's jab includes toxic chemicals that make it 'glow,' including luciferase and graphene oxide.

    Source: https://www.rumble.com/video/vl4zlp
    Last edited by Bill Ryan; 16th October 2021 at 21:52. Reason: embedded the video

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    On the antichrist and visionaries of our time


    Quote The Bible, the saints, and modern mystics have told us a great deal about what the Antichrist will be like, and which signs will reveal him. Humanity needs to be aware of his traits in order not to be deceived. Is it possible that he may already be walking the earth? And if there is an antichrist walking the earth, keep in mind that this is not the Son of Perdition who will wreak havoc before the end of time at Jesus' Second Coming.

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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit


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    Default Re: Horus-Ra as the Archontic Alien Parasite: A follow-up interview with Maarit

    Stranger Things Meets H.P. Lovecraft - At War With The Hydra Beast!


    https://www.bitchute.com/video/A8qhy6lWEbOZ/


    Source: https://www.bitchute.com/video/A8qhy6lWEbOZ


    There are some very interesting ideas brought up. Some very interesting dot connecting that I have not heard before. What the heck, we can't live in this current world without giving a shout out to H.P. Lovecraft.


    My apologies for not being able to embed bitchute videos. Firefox doesn't allow it for some weird reason.
    Last edited by Tintin; 19th October 2021 at 12:47. Reason: embedded video

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