How the Baltics became Russian "Treaty of Nystad 1721"

[Russian Bear]

Blue Swedes, green Russians

Tsar Peter Alekseevich offered the Swedes peace more than once, both before and after Poltava, but each time he was met with the stubborn unwillingness of King Charles XII to sit down at the negotiating table. Sweden suffered defeat both on land and at sea, losing Ingria, Estonia and Livonia.

On August 30, 1721, in the small Finnish town of Nystad, a treaty was signed that changed the fate of Russia forever. After many years of bloody war with Sweden, the country finally got what Ivan the Terrible had dreamed of - access to the Baltic Sea. But few people think that behind this triumph were not only military victories, but also tough diplomacy, huge amounts of money and even... legal tricks. Why did Sweden agree to give up the Baltics? How did Peter I manage to secure these lands "forever"? And why, 300 years later, do some countries still consider this an "occupation"?



The Great Northern War, which lasted 21 years, began as a gamble by young Peter, but turned into a struggle for the status of a great power. Sweden was then a formidable empire, controlling almost the entire Baltic. Its king, Charles XII, was considered one of the best commanders in Europe - until he ran into the Russian army at Poltava. The defeat of the Swedes in 1709 was a turning point, but the war did not end there. The Swedes clung to every fortress, and their fleet dominated the sea for a long time. Only in 1721, when Sweden's economy was exhausted and Russian troops landed on its territory, did Stockholm agree to negotiate.

The terms of the Nystad Peace were extremely favorable for Russia: Livonia, Estonia, Ingria and part of Karelia passed under Peter's rule. But most importantly, the treaty clearly stated in black and white that these lands were going to Russia "forever." At the same time, the local population - Germans, Estonians, Latvians - did not even ask. The Swedish king simply "gave" them to the Russian tsar, as a thing. For this, Peter paid Sweden 2 million thalers - a huge amount of money at that time. In fact, it was a deal between two empires, where the fate of entire nations was decided without their participation.

But why did Sweden give up the Baltics so easily? Firstly, these lands were the result of wars - in the 17th century, the Swedes took them from Poland and Denmark. Secondly, the local German nobility, who ruled the region, had long been burdened by Stockholm and hoped for greater self-government under Peter's rule. Finally, the Swedes understood that if they did not come to an agreement now, the Russians would take these territories by force. So the Treaty of Nystad became for them more of a forced capitulation with the preservation of face.

For Peter I, this treaty became the greatest triumph. Just a month after its signing, the Senate proclaimed him emperor, and Russia an empire. Now it could speak on equal terms with England, France, and Austria. The Baltic ports opened the way for trade with Europe, and the new lands provided access to advanced technologies and specialists. But there was a downside: the annexed territories never considered themselves “Russian.” The German barons looked down on St. Petersburg, the Estonian and Latvian peasants dreamed of freedom, and after such a defeat, the Swedes decided not to fight at all anymore...


Changes in borders according to the Treaty of Nystad, territories that went to Russia

Today, three centuries later, the Treaty of Nystad is perceived differently. In Russia, it is remembered as a great victory, in the Baltics - as the beginning of an "occupation". But the most interesting thing is that legally this treaty has not been cancelled. When Latvia and Estonia declared independence in 1918, they referred to the right to self-determination, and not to the violation of the terms of the Treaty of Nystad. The Bolsheviks, who recognized their independence in 1920, did not consider themselves the heirs of Tsarist Russia at all.

Russia was proclaimed an empire in 1721 and Peter the Great became emperor. Why am I repeating myself? The Baltics have not liked us since the first days of Soviet power. Even, probably, since the period of joining the Russian Empire, when there was no concept of Latvia, Estonia, there was a city of Revel, today it is Tallinn, there was a city of Yuryev, today Tartu...

That is, they have been portraying us as occupiers for almost all of them, especially during the Soviet period, but they have been unhappy since joining the Russian Empire. Listen, we didn’t take you, the Swedish king ceded us lands inhabited by different peoples. But there is an international treaty, and we also paid, paid 2 million thalers, a huge sum at that time.

For what? For one word, so that the treaty would state that these lands are part of the Russian Empire forever, FOREVER. Who had the right to represent independence to the Balts? That is, to tear away from us a part of the western lands, although they could not be torn away, because they were part of Russia, no Iceland, Lapland, I don’t know, Flanders, none of that existed, these were provinces of the Russian Empire.

From an imperial province to a Soviet republic: how the Baltics lived under Russian rule

When Russian officials first came to govern the new Baltic lands after the Treaty of Nystad, they encountered an unexpected problem. The local German barons, who had ruled these territories for centuries, greeted them with cold politeness, and the Estonian and Latvian peasants did not understand at all why they should now submit to some Russians. Thus began a three-hundred-year history of difficult relations between Russia and the Baltics - a history where there was both mutual benefit and bitter grievances.


Peter I

The first hundred years of Russian rule passed relatively calmly. Peter I and his heirs wisely decided not to break the established system: the German aristocracy retained its privileges, the Lutheran Church - its rights, and the cities - their ancient liberties. Riga, Reval (now Tallinn) and Dorpat (Tartu) continued to live by their own laws, only now paying taxes to St. Petersburg. This was advantageous for Russia - the Baltic ports became the main gateway to Europe, through which goods and new ideas passed. But it was this autonomy that would later play a cruel joke: when a wave of national revival swept across Europe in the 19th century, local Estonians and Latvians, who had been "second-class citizens" under the Germans for centuries, would begin to dream of independence - and from St. Petersburg too.


Alexander III

Everything changed under Alexander III. His policy of Russification hit the Baltics harder than anywhere else. German inscriptions on signs were banned, attempts were made to convert Lutherans to Orthodoxy, and Russian was introduced at the University of Dorpat (now Tartu). The locals perceived this as cultural genocide. It is curious that it was then that the word "occupation" was first heard - it was used by the Baltic Germans, outraged by the loss of privileges. They could not even imagine that half a century later their descendants would remember the Russian tsars with nostalgia...

The 1917 revolution gave the Baltics a chance for freedom. In 1918, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania declared independence — and, importantly, Soviet Russia was the first to recognize it. Twenty years of independence turned the former provinces into real European states: with parliaments, their own currency and even (in the case of Lithuania) a president. Tallinn became a "little Paris", Riga — the largest port in Eastern Europe, and Kaunas — the center of Lithuanian culture. But in 1939, everything collapsed. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact put an end to Baltic independence, although historians still argue: was joining the USSR "voluntary" or a military occupation. (To understand this point and why it was necessary to do it, there simply could not be any other way, read this article: https://projectavalon.net/forum4/sho...=1#post1663928 )



The Soviet Union was the last country to sign a non-aggression pact between Germany and the USSR (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact).

The pact was signed on August 23, 1939. Earlier, similar pacts with Germany were signed by Poland (1934), Great Britain (1938), France (1938), Lithuania (1939), Latvia (1939), Estonia (1939), and later Turkey (1941) Russia's position on this issue. President of Russia, V.V. Putin's response: https://projectavalon.net/forum4/sho...=1#post1679633

Let's take Poland for example. The USSR knew that Germany could attack and it was necessary to move the Soviet borders as far away from Moscow as possible and create a bridgehead for military action and spheres of influence. Although Moscow hoped to the last that Germany would not do this, it decided to do the minimum for its own security.

Unfortunately, the reality was such that small countries were a bargaining chip between the USSR and Germany in these political intrigues. Otherwise, these countries would have been occupied by Germany. Which was then done by military means.

The year 1940 became a real tragedy for the Balts. In a few months, the entire system of power changed, mass arrests took place, and in July, the "people's seimas" voted to join the USSR.

Reference: The name "People's Seimas" was used in different Baltic countries in 1940 - Lithuania and Latvia.

In Lithuania, the People's Seimas was the parliament of the Republic of Lithuania from July 21, 1940 to August 5, and of the Lithuanian SSR from August 5 to 25, 1940.

Features:
The first and last elections to the People's Seimas were held from July 14 to 15, 1940.
The new parliament unanimously adopted a resolution on the proclamation of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic and petitioned for admission to the Soviet Union as a republic.
On August 3, 1940, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR granted Lithuania's request to join the USSR as an equal union republic.
On August 25 of the same year, the Extraordinary Session of the People's Seimas adopted the Constitution of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic.

In Latvia, the People's Saeima was the parliament of the Republic of Latvia from July 21 to 22, 1940, and of the Latvian SSR from July 22 to August 25, 1940.
Features:
The first and last elections to the People's Saeima were held on July 14–15, 1940. Only one list participated in the elections - the "Working People's Bloc", which represented 100 candidates for deputies.
On July 22, 1940, the People's Saeima adopted the Declaration of State Authority in Latvia, proclaiming it the Soviet Socialist Republic.
On August 25, the People's Saeima was transformed into the Supreme Council of the Latvian SSR (first convocation).



A year later, when mass deportations began. On the night of June 14, 1941, tens of thousands of people - whole families - were loaded into freight cars and sent to Siberia. The war brought new trials. Three years of Nazi occupation and its liberation by Soviet troops, the return of the Red Army in 1944 and the war with the "forest brothers (Those who fought on the side of the Nazis and advocated for the national independence of their country)" that lasted until the 1950s. The Soviet government tried to "integrate" the Baltics with industry: they built factories, resettled workers from Russia, created military bases. Riga became the center of Soviet electronics, Ventspils - the main oil port of the USSR. But a quiet war of memory was going on in parallel: families whispered stories about deportations, national flags were secretly kept, and candles were lit in cemeteries on memorial days. This is despite the fact that in the post-war years, the bloody repressive machine stopped and was in the past, people began to live peacefully and happily. The Balts lived simply in luxury, better than Russia itself, because everything was done so that the Balts did not need anything and lived well and there were no strikes. The comrades simply got fat from the many varieties of sausages and other specific food. In general, almost all socialist republics lived better than Russia itself, because it took care that all our socialist brothers were happy and did not need anything. In Russia itself, although there was enough of all this, there was not such a variety of clothes and food as in other republics. In food there was pull (something could only be obtained through pull), fashionable clothes were hard to get, foreign goods were valued, even equipment. For example, there were huge queues for the same sausage - it was in short supply, although in the Baltics and other socialist republics there was everything. (The reason for this was the collapse of the artificial and sabotage Stalinist economic system in the post-war years, which was destroyed by Comrade Khrushchev. In fact, everyone would have had enough of the scarce products).

By the 1980s, the Baltics, formally a "showcase of socialism," had become a powder keg of the USSR. Local communists were the first to dare challenge Moscow. In 1987, the first anti-Soviet demonstration took place in Riga, in 1989, two million people formed the "Baltic Way" - a human chain 600 km long from Tallinn to Vilnius. And in 1990, Lithuania was the first to announce its withdrawal from the Union, provoking bloody events at the Vilnius TV tower.

Today, 30 years after the collapse of the USSR, these events are seen differently. For Russia, 1940 was the “reunification of ancestral lands”, for the Balts it was the beginning of the occupation.

From Neighbors to Opponents: How Russia and the Baltics Live After Divorce

When the last Soviet soldier left the Baltics in 1991. Russia did not simply grant, but gifted, the Baltics complete independence and sovereignty. Today, three decades later, Russia's relations with Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia resemble a complicated divorce process, when former spouses are forced to live in the same house, but pretend to be strangers. How did it happen that three small countries became Russia's main critics on the international stage? And is there a chance for reconciliation?

The 1990s began with mutual hopes. Russia was one of the first to recognize the independence of the Baltic republics, hoping to maintain economic ties. In the first years after the collapse of the USSR, rubles could still be used in Tallinn, and Russian tourists willingly went to Riga to buy scarce goods. But very soon problems began that today seem predictable. The first sign was the issue of citizenship: Latvia and Estonia introduced strict language requirements, leaving hundreds of thousands of Russian-speaking residents without passports. Moscow perceived this as discrimination, but the West supported the new rules, and so the first crack appeared.


March of Nazi SS legionnaires in Riga

Every year on March 16, the capital of Latvia becomes a haven for fans of those who were Nazi collaborators during the Great Patriotic War.

By the early 2000s, the Baltics had made their strategic choice, which would determine the next two decades. In 2004, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia simultaneously joined NATO and the European Union, putting an end to any talk of a "neutral status." For Russia, this became a red rag — the Kremlin perceived the expansion of the alliance as a direct threat. It was then that the Russian media first began to accuse them of "ingratitude": supposedly, the USSR built factories and roads for you, and now you and the West are against us. The Balts retorted: "This was not help, but colonial exploitation." Thus, historical memory has become a weapon in modern politics.


The painting depicts Soviet soldiers in Germany near the Reichstag, rejoicing at the victory over the Nazi occupiers.

The dispute around the events of World War II became especially heated. If May 9 is a sacred holiday for Russia, then in the Baltics this date is called the beginning of the "second Soviet occupation." In 2007, the relocation of the Bronze Soldier in Tallinn caused real street battles between Russian youth and the police. And in 2022, after the start of the special operation, Latvia and Estonia completely demolished all the remaining Soviet monuments, calling it "decommunization." Moscow responded with harsh statements, but could do nothing - the geopolitical scales had long since tipped against it.

The economy became another victim of political disagreements. If in the 2000s Russia was still an important trading partner (especially in energy, where Russia still supplies electricity to the entire Baltics. Although now they are doing everything to disconnect from Russian electricity and join the European one), then after 2014, ties began to quickly break. Sanctions, counter-sanctions, mutual restrictions - by 2022, trade turnover had fallen several times. The refusal of Russian gas was especially painful: Lithuania was the first in the EU to completely refuse it back in 2014, calling it a matter of national security. Curiously, it was energy that showed how differently the two sides saw the situation. Russia believed that "cheap gas is our good will," while the Baltics responded: "This is an instrument of political blackmail."

Here's an example: Russia itself granted independence to the Balts, who did everything possible to harm it and joined Russia's enemies. And this is for everything we did for them? We gave them freedom and sovereignty! Therefore, Russia cannot be kind to everyone. Our kindness is taken for weakness. Europe understands only the language of force and total control!

Today, relations seem to have reached the point of no return. After February 24, 2022, Latvia declared Russia a "country sponsor of terrorism", Estonia dismantled the last Soviet monuments, and Lithuania completely stopped trade. Even the cultural ties that had lasted the longest were under threat: Russian schools were closed, broadcasting of Russian channels was restricted, and famous artists were put on "blacklists". It would seem that the divorce is final and irrevocable. But is it really so?

The paradox is that, despite all the rhetoric of a complete break, ties between ordinary people remain. Thousands of Russian-speaking residents of the Baltics still watch Russian television (albeit via VPN), visit relatives in Pskov or St. Petersburg, and Dostoevsky and Tolstoy are still sold in Riga bookstores. Even politicians who call Russia "the main threat" admit that it is impossible to completely erase three hundred years of common history. Perhaps this is the main lesson of relationships.

[Russian Bear]

The Soviet Union was the last country to sign a non-aggression pact between Germany and the USSR (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact).

The pact was signed on August 23, 1939. Earlier, similar pacts with Germany were signed by Poland (1934), Great Britain (1938), France (1938), Lithuania (1939), Latvia (1939), Estonia (1939), and later Turkey (1941)

Russia's position on this issue.
President of Russia, V.V. Putin's response:

Regarding the Molotov Ribbentrop Pact, I draw your attention to the course of historical events, when the Soviet Union, no matter who was in charge of diplomacy there, it is clear that Stalin was in charge there, but he was not the only person who thought about this topic, about ensuring the security of the Soviet Union, so the Soviet Union made a lot of efforts to create conditions for collective opposition to Nazism in Germany, made multiple attempts to create an anti-fascist bloc in Europe, all these attempts were unsuccessful, moreover, after 1938, when the well-known agreement was concluded in Munich that some areas of Czechoslovakia were surrendered, let's say, some politicians believed that war was inevitable. Churchill, for example, after his colleague came to London with a piece of paper, accordingly, said that I brought you peace, Churchill responded to this, now war is inevitable. And when the Soviet Union realized that it was being left alone with Hitler's Germany, it took steps to prevent a direct clash.

And the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed. And in this sense, I share the opinion of our Minister of Culture that this pact made sense for ensuring the security of the Soviet Union. That's the first thing.

Now the second thing. Let me remind you that after signing the corresponding Munich Agreement, Poland itself took steps to annex part of the Czersk territory. And it turned out that after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the division of Poland, it itself became a victim of the policy that it was trying to pursue in Europe.

We need to keep all this in mind and not forget anything. And if you paid attention to what I said yesterday, I said that a truly effective security system can be built on a non-bloc basis, on the basis of ensuring an equal approach to ensuring the security of all participants in international communication. And if we can organize our work in this way on the basis of the United Nations, then it seems to me that we will achieve success.

1) Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Historical background
2) Soviet-Finnish War 1939-1940
3) What would the world be like if the Red Army had not liberated Europe from the Nazis
https://projectavalon.net/forum4/sho...=1#post1663928

[Russian Bear]

How Poland seized part of the Czech and Slovak lands in 1938 and dreamed of more

As is well known, Poland constantly, everywhere and anywhere shouts about itself as a victim of the "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact".
At the same time, the Poles themselves, in the apt words of Winston Churchill, attacked Czechoslovakia like hyenas in 1938 after the "Munich Agreement".

How was it in History? As a result of the Munich Agreement, Poland, in October 1938, supported Hitler's Germany in territorial claims against Czechoslovakia.
And then it itself annexed part of the Czech and Slovak lands, including the areas of Tesin Silesia, Orava and Spis.

On February 23, 1938, Polish Foreign Minister Jozef Beck stated during negotiations with Goering that Poland would take into account German interests in Austria, and was itself interested in solving the "Czech problem".



J. Beck and G. Goering. Photo from the public domain.

Even before these events, the aggressive nature of the Polish authorities of that time had become apparent.
Thus, on March 17, 1938, Poland presented an ultimatum to Lithuania. The essence of the ultimatum was the demand to conclude a convention guaranteeing the rights of the Polish minority in Lithuania, as well as to cancel the paragraph of the Lithuanian constitution proclaiming Vilnius the capital of Lithuania.

Polish troops were concentrated on the Polish-Lithuanian border. Weak Lithuania agreed to accept a Polish representative - after all, if the ultimatum was rejected within 24 hours, the Poles threatened to attack and occupy Lithuania.
But then the USSR intervened. The Soviet government, through the Polish ambassador in Moscow, strongly recommended that the Poles not encroach on the independence of Lithuania. Otherwise, the Polish-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact would be denounced, and in the event of an armed attack on Lithuania, the USSR would reserve the right to freedom of action.
Thanks to this, the danger of military action between Poland and Lithuania was averted. The Poles withdrew their demands on Lithuania and renounced armed invasion.

But their actions regarding Czechoslovakia continued.

In May 1938, Poland concentrated several units of its army in the Tesin area - three divisions and one brigade of border troops.

Incidentally, the Poles were simultaneously exploring possibilities in other territories. Thus, on August 11, 1938, in a conversation with Józef Lipski, the Polish ambassador to Germany, the Germans stated their understanding of Poland's interest in the territory of the then Soviet Ukraine.

In September 1938, the largest military maneuvers in Poland's history at that time were organized on the Polish-Soviet border. They involved 5 infantry and 1 cavalry divisions, 1 motorized brigade, and aviation.
Naturally, the "Reds" advancing from the east suffered a complete defeat.
The maneuvers themselves ended with a grand military parade in Lutsk, which was personally received by the "supreme leader of Poland" Marshal Rydz-Smigly.



Marshal Edward Rydz-Smigly. Photo from the public domain

Also in September 1938, Polish Ambassador Lipski meets with Hitler, who declares that in the event of a military conflict between Poland and Czechoslovakia over the Teschen region, Germany will be on Poland's side.

Having secured the support of the Fuhrer (oh, if only they knew about the future!), the Poles present an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia demanding a solution to the problem of the Polish national minority in Teschen Silesia. Then Poland denounces the Polish-Czechoslovak treaty on national minorities, and a few hours later also announces an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia about the annexation of lands with a Polish population to Poland.

On behalf of the "Union of Silesian Insurgents" in Warsaw, recruitment for the "Tieszyn Volunteer Corps" began. The formed units are sent to the Czechoslovak border, where they organize armed provocations and sabotage. For example, in the town of Konskie near Teszynec, the Poles fired upon and threw grenades at houses where the Czechoslovak border guards were located.
As a result, two houses burned down, and the attackers retreated to Polish territory.
Then the Frystat railway station was raided, and it was also fired upon and grenades thrown at it.

On September 27, 1938, the Polish government put forward a new demand for the "return of the Teszyn region". That same night, rifle and machine gun fire, grenade explosions, etc. were heard in almost all areas of the Teszyn region. Bloody clashes took place in the vicinity of Bohumin, Teszyn and Jablunkov, in the towns of Bystrice, Konska and Skrzechen.

Polish diplomats in London and Paris insist on an equal approach to solving the Sudeten and Teschen problems, Polish and German military agree on a demarcation line for troops in the event of an invasion of Czechoslovakia. The newspapers of the time write about touching scenes of "combat brotherhood" between Germans and Poles.



German and Polish border guards on a railway bridge in the captured Czech town of Bohumin. Photo from the public domain.

On the night of September 29-30, 1938, the infamous Munich Agreement was concluded.

And then, right away, before the ink had even dried on the Munich Agreement, figuratively speaking, on September 30, 1938, Warsaw presented Prague with an ultimatum, demanding immediate satisfaction of territorial claims and the immediate transfer of the Tesin border region.

There was nowhere to go, and on October 1, 1938, Czechoslovakia ceded this region to Poland. By the way, 80 thousand Poles and 120 thousand Czechs lived there. But the main acquisition was the industrial potential of the captured territory. At the end of 1938, these enterprises produced almost 41% of the pig iron smelted in Poland and almost 47% of the steel.

On October 2, 1938, Operation Zaluzhie begins - Poland occupies Teschen Silesia (the Teschen - Frystat - Bohumin region) and some settlements on the territory of modern Slovakia.



[IMG]Polish soldiers at a captured Czech checkpoint near a pedestrian bridge built in honor of the anniversary of Emperor Franz Joseph in the Czech town of Bohumin. A Czechoslovak border post that has not yet been demolished is visible. Photo from the public domain.[/IMG]



Polish 7TP tanks enter the Czech city of Tesin (Cieszyn). October 1938. Photo from the public domain.





Replacement of signs and flag.

Photo from open access



Polish troops enter the Czech town of Karvin. The Polish part of the population greets the troops with flowers. October 1938.
The Czechoslovak town of Karvin was the center of heavy industry in Czechoslovakia, coke production, and one of the most important centers for coal mining in the Ostrava-Karvina coal basin. Photo from the public domain

As a result, Poland experienced a national triumph on the occasion of the capture of the Teschen region. Polish propaganda is choking with delight in ecstasy.
On October 9, 1938, Gazeta Polska wrote: "... the road open to us to a sovereign, leading role in our part of Europe requires enormous efforts and the resolution of incredibly difficult tasks in the near future."

And in the new territories, a policy of strict "Polonization" began.
According to the memoirs - "...The Poles mercilessly persecuted the Czechs, terrorized them with dismissals, threw them out of their homes, confiscated their property. Everything that was Czech was destroyed. The Czech language and even greetings were banned. The greeting "Nazdar" was fined 4 zlotys and so the Czechs began to greet each other - "Four zlotys!", Czech names were removed even from graves, a common grave of soldiers was dug up and the remains were thrown into the trash. Czechs were beaten in the streets...".

As is well known, appetite comes with eating. The Poles had hardly celebrated the capture of the Teschen region when they had new plans:

On December 28, 1938, in a conversation between the German Embassy Advisor in Poland Rudolf von Schelia and the newly appointed Polish envoy to Iran J. Karsz-Sedlewski, the latter stated: "The political outlook for the European East is clear. In a few years, Germany will be at war with the Soviet Union, and Poland will support Germany in this war, voluntarily or by force. It is better for Poland to definitely side with Germany before the conflict, since Poland's territorial interests in the West and Poland's political goals in the East, primarily in Ukraine, can only be ensured by a previously reached Polish-German agreement...".

From the report of the 2nd department (intelligence department) of the General Staff of the Polish Army - "The dismemberment of Russia lies at the basis of Polish policy in the East... Therefore, our possible position will be reduced to the following formula: who will take part in the division. Poland must not remain passive at this remarkable historical moment. The task is to prepare well in advance, physically and spiritually... The main goal is the weakening and defeat of Russia."



The apogee of Polish-German friendship - the handshake of Polish Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły and German military attaché Major General von Studnitz at a parade in Warsaw on November 11, 1938. Photo from the public domain

On January 26, 1939, in a conversation with German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, which took place in Warsaw, Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck stated: "Poland lays claim to Soviet Ukraine and access to the Black Sea."

In March 1939, after lengthy economic, political and operational studies, the Polish command completed the development of a war plan against the USSR - Plan "Wschud" ("East").

It seemed that the prospects were brilliant! However, here the Poles got the chance to play the role of that very hyena and also rob for free, which is what Churchill was talking about.
On March 20, 1939, Hitler made a proposal to Poland - to agree to the inclusion of the city of Danzig in Germany and to the creation of an extraterritorial corridor that would connect Germany with East Prussia.
On March 21, 1939, Ribbentrop, in a conversation with the Polish ambassador, again made demands regarding Danzig, as well as the right to build a railway and a highway that would connect Germany and East Prussia.

This was very unexpected for the Poles. It was a shock!
The Poles rushed about. Immediately, the Polish government passed on to Britain a proposal to conclude an Anglo-Polish pact.
All words about friendship and joint military operations with Germany were already forgotten. At the end of March, the Polish government issued a memorandum, which, as Ribbentrop noted, "unceremoniously rejected the German proposals regarding the return of Danzig and extraterritorial transport routes through the corridor."

Ambassador Lipski, who had just the day before been shaking Hitler's hand and smiling, declared: "Any further pursuit of the goal of these German plans, and especially those concerning the return of Danzig to the Reich, means war with Poland."

On March 31, 1939, the then British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain announced Anglo-French military guarantees for Poland in connection with the threat of aggression from Germany.
Looking ahead - What the price of these "guarantees" was is well known from history.

But war was in the air in Europe! But just yesterday, the Poles were still so friendly, so friendly...

As Churchill wrote in his memoirs - "And now, when all these advantages and all this help have been lost and thrown away, England, leading France, offers to guarantee the integrity of Poland - the same Poland that only six months ago, with the greed of a hyena, took part in the robbery and destruction of the Czechoslovak state."

How did the Poles react to this? For some reason, they thought that military assistance from England and France (Poland was counting on this) would help in the event of war to snatch a piece of German territory. No more, no less!
American researcher Henson Baldwin, who worked for the New York Times in those years, wrote: "They were proud and overconfident, living in the past. Many Polish soldiers, imbued with the military spirit of their people and their traditional hatred of the Germans, talked and dreamed of a "march on Berlin." Their hopes are well reflected in the words of one of the songs:

...clad in steel and armor,
Led by Rydz-Smigly,
We will march to the Rhine..."

How it all ended soon is well known. And the "Polonized" Teschen region became part of the Third Reich.
In 1945, after the defeat of the Nazis, the region again passed to Czechoslovakia. This time the Czechs organized persecution of Poles and Germans, which ended in outbreaks of violence.
The Tesin issue was finally closed only in 1956, when Poland and Czechoslovakia signed an agreement recognizing the borders as of January 1, 1938. After the collapse of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the region ended up on the territory of the Czech Republic.

But all this is a completely different story.


Russian song from a Russian Bear in conclusion:

Source: https://youtube.com/watch?v=BOzoiGDfKL0