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Thread: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

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    Avalon Member Ravenlocke's Avatar
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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran

    3/4
    "A regional state blocked a clause condemning Israel in the BRICS statement—the same state that aided the aggression by opening its airspace and bases to the US & Israel. They are a direct accomplice; US bases bring insecurity to them, not protection." #BRICS2026

    https://x.com/Iran_GOV/status/2055276447023992910


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Danny Haiphong and Pepe Escobar discuss

    Trump’s trip to China and BRICS trouble

    Pepe Escobar

    Straight outta Shanghai.

    Soooo many horrors emerging from Barbaria in Beijing + trouble for BRICS in Delhi.

    Yet Ghalibaf gets it - quoting Xi. Banger.

    https://youtube.com/watch?v=FoSWn5sIfLY&t=695s

    https://x.com/RealPepeEscobar/status...29627307704523



    Trump in Panic! Iran and China just Wiped out his WW3 Strategy


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Sputnik

    🚨🇨🇳🇷🇺 Harbin kicks off annual Russia-China EXPO in milestone year

    The tenth Russia-China EXPO is underway from May 17 to 21, filling 12,000 square meters of venue with exhibitors and officials from 16 Russian regions. The opening ceremony featured Russian Deputy Prime Minister and Presidential Envoy to the Far Eastern Federal District Yury Trutnev and Vice Premier of the State Council of China Zhang Guoqing.

    “This needs to continue, we need to keep exchanging technologies, because technology is essentially what enables countries to develop in the modern world,” Trutnev said

    https://x.com/SputnikInt/status/2056029976596451650





    Translated from Russian
    ✉️ President of Russia V.V.#Putin to the participants of the 10th Russian-Chinese EXPO:

    ✍️ I cordially greet you on the occasion of the opening of the 10th Russian-Chinese EXPO in Harbin.

    I am confident that such joint work will be constructive and fruitful.

    https://t.me/MID_Russia/81916

    #RussiaChina

    https://x.com/MID_RF/status/2056107197113753797


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Samuel 🇲🇽 reposted

    Global Times

    Coinciding with the International Museum Day on May 18, the Capital Museum in Beijing will officially open its largest-ever exhibition, “Maize, Gold, Jaguar: The Great Maya and Ancient Andean Civilizations Exhibition.”Featuring 800 precious artifacts, the show brings together two of the Americas’ most remarkable ancient civilizations in a cross-cultural encounter spanning 3,000 years. https://globaltimes.cn/galleries/6203.html

    https://x.com/globaltimesnews/status...10335719354371


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  9. Link to Post #1605
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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    MFA Russia 🇷🇺


    🇷🇺🇰🇿 📞 On May 17, President #Putin & President
    @TokayevKZ
    held a telephone conversation, discussed current matters pertaining to President Putin's upcoming state visit to Astana & the meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council to be held there.

    https://t.me/MFARussia/29898

    https://x.com/mfa_russia/status/2055996837660643530


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  11. Link to Post #1606
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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Why Trump’s China trip signifies the end of American primacy
    Washington is no longer confronting Beijing from a position of unquestioned domination
    Published 18 May, 2026 16:00
    By Ladislav Zemánek, non-resident research fellow at China-CEE Institute and expert of the Valdai Discussion Club
    https://www.rt.com/news/640137-trump...rican-primacy/


    Last week’s Trump-Xi summit produced no dramatic declaration or historic treaty – yet its importance may prove far greater than any immediate deliverable. What happened in Beijing was not a breakthrough in policy but a breakthrough in recognition: the United States openly acknowledged China as an equal center of global power. That alone marks a historic turning point.

    For decades, American administrations approached China from the assumption that Beijing was either a manageable challenger or a state that would eventually integrate into a US-led international order on American terms. The summit suggested something fundamentally different.

    US President Donald Trump appeared compelled to recognize that China is no longer simply a rival great power but a central pillar of the emerging world order – one that Washington can neither isolate nor overpower. This was the true message of the summit.

    The triumph of pragmatism

    Neither Washington nor Beijing expected immediate breakthroughs. The summit was never realistically supposed to solve structural tensions overnight. Its purpose was to stabilize relations between two powers which are increasingly aware that prolonged escalation has become prohibitively costly.

    The talks reflected the reality that the US now needs stable engagement with China as much as China needs stable engagement with the US. This mutual dependency is perhaps uncomfortable, but it is also unavoidable – neither full confrontation nor full separation is sustainable anymore.

    For years, the Americans described China as a revisionist actor seeking to overturn the international order. But the Beijing summit demonstrated something more consequential: the international order itself is already changing. Many countries have begun treating China not merely as a competitor to the US, but as a parallel – and in some respects superior – center of global gravity.

    That transformation explains Trump’s increasingly pragmatic posture. Competition with China remains intense, particularly in trade and technology, but the White House no longer appears interested in fantasies of regime change or direct strategic rollback against Beijing. More importantly, Washington may no longer possess the power necessary to pursue such ambitions successfully.

    America’s new grand strategy

    The summit also revealed the outlines of Trump’s evolving geopolitical doctrine. Contrary to alarmist rhetoric on both sides of the Pacific, Washington’s strategy increasingly appears less focused on destroying China’s rise than on managing coexistence while preserving maximum American leverage. The emphasis has shifted from ideological crusades to economic and technological competition.

    At the same time, the US seems determined to tighten strategic control over the Western Hemisphere in a manner reminiscent of the Monroe Doctrine. Recent developments in Panama and Venezuela, alongside growing pressure on Cuba, should be understood through this lens. Washington seeks uncontested primacy in the Americas while reducing external dependence and limiting Chinese penetration into its natural sphere of influence.

    This strategy undoubtedly weakens Beijing’s position in Latin America. Yet paradoxically, it also reflects the logic of multipolarity. Trump’s America increasingly appears willing to accept Chinese dominance in certain areas, provided the US retains dominance in others.

    The same applies in the Indo-Pacific. Washington continues to supply weapons to Taiwan, Japan, and other regional partners while encouraging broader militarization across the region. But this should not automatically be interpreted as preparation for direct confrontation. It may instead represent a rebalancing of strategic burdens – an effort to share military responsibility among allies while avoiding a catastrophic US-China war over Taiwan or other flashpoints.

    The Iran exception

    One major contradiction remains: the Middle East. Trump’s broader strategy points toward selective engagement, hemispheric consolidation, and managed competition with China. Yet the war against Iran appears strikingly inconsistent with that idea.

    Strategically, it resembles an aberration – a costly diversion driven less by core American interests than by the influence of Israel and the priorities of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In many respects, it’s more Netanyahu’s war than Trump’s war.

    Unlike Washington’s moves in the Americas, which constrained Chinese influence, instability in the Middle East may actually strengthen Beijing’s global position.

    China benefits when the US gets trapped in expensive, open-ended regional crises. Every additional military commitment dilutes American focus and accelerates the redistribution of global influence. Beijing, meanwhile, continues to present itself as a comparatively stable economic partner with a mature and modern political system capable of engaging all sides simultaneously.

    While Washington attempts to contain China economically and strategically, its own Middle Eastern entanglements may be helping Beijing expand its international stature far beyond the Gulf region.

    This, in turn, reinforces Beijing’s confidence at the negotiating table. China now approaches talks with the US not as a rising power seeking acceptance, but as an established force convinced that time increasingly favors its long-term game.

    From confrontation to coexistence

    Perhaps the clearest evidence of this transformation lies in official American doctrine itself. A comparison between Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy and the 2025 version released last November reveals a remarkable evolution in Washington’s thinking.

    The 2017 document portrayed China as a strategic threat, a revisionist power undermining American security and prosperity. Beijing was grouped alongside Russia, Iran, North Korea, and jihadist terrorism as one of the principal dangers ostensibly facing the US. China’s political system and values were described as fundamentally incompatible with American interests.

    The new strategy is dramatically different. The 2025 National Security Strategy focuses primarily on trade imbalances, economic competition, and maintaining strategic equilibrium. China is no longer explicitly framed as a security threat. Ideological language has given way to that of balance, competition, and coexistence.

    This is not a cosmetic adjustment. It reflects a profound strategic recalibration. Washington increasingly understands that China cannot be isolated, economically decoupled, or politically transformed through pressure alone. The costs would simply be too high – not only for China, but for the US itself.

    ‘Constructive strategic stability’

    The Trump-Xi summit therefore may represent the beginning of a broader search for what Beijing calls “constructive strategic stability.” Not friendship, and certainly not alliance. But a structured coexistence between two systems competing intensely while recognizing mutual limits.

    In many ways, this also validates Chinese President Xi Jinping’s long-standing assertion that “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and making America great again can go hand in hand.” Until recently, such statements were dismissed in Washington as propaganda. Now it increasingly resembles the conceptual foundation of an emerging geopolitical compromise.

    The next stage of this process may arrive sooner than expected. Xi will travel to Washington in September – a highly symbolic visit given that he never visited the US during Trump’s earlier presidency.

    If that meeting takes place, it will confirm what the Beijing summit already suggested: the era when Washington could dictate the terms of the global order unilaterally is ending. A new world is emerging, shaped by negotiated coexistence between rival centers of power.

    For the first time in decades, the United States appears ready to admit it.

    * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Brian McDonald

    Putin has named the delegation accompanying him to China this week, and it includes much of Russia’s top economic establishment.

    Among the standout names: Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Central Bank chief Elvira Nabiullina, Rosneft boss Igor Sechin, Gazprom head Alexey Miller, Sberbank CEO German Gref, Rosatom chief Alexey Likhachev, RDIF head Kirill Dmitriev and billionaires Oleg Deripaska and Gennady Timchenko.

    In many ways it mirrors what Trump did during his recent Beijing trip by bringing leading business and financial figures alongside senior state officials.

    https://x.com/BrianMcDonaldIE/status...41674969010186


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    RussiaNews 🇷🇺

    🚨⚡️ GEOPOLITICAL EARTHQUAKE IN BEIJING:

    Hours Remain Until the Moscow-Beijing Axis Launches a "New Era" that Defies the West! 🇷🇺🇨🇳

    President Vladimir Putin will arrive in Beijing this evening, May 19, welcomed by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

    This is no ordinary summit; Putin and Xi Jinping will officially adopt a landmark "Declaration on the Establishment of a Multipolar World and a New Type of International Relations," delivering a direct challenge to unipolar dominance.

    - High-Stakes Agenda & 40 Strategic Pacts:

    Closed-door and expanded-format negotiations will take place to redraw the global economic and political roadmap.

    The two leaders will hold detailed discussions on the massive "Power of Siberia - 2" gas pipeline project to solidify energy security.

    Signing roughly 40 joint documents designed to lock in deep structural ties across industry, transport, and nuclear energy.

    On May 20, the leaders will hold an intimate, informal "tea-time" session to break down the most critical and pressing international issues.

    - A Colossal Russian Influx in Beijing:
    Putin has effectively transferred the weight of the Russian state to China. He is backed by a massive delegation of top-tier officials and business titans, including Peskov, Lavrov, Manturov, and Novak, alongside billionaire oligarchs and energy czars like Sechin, Miller, Timchenko, and Deripaska.

    - Moving away from standard newspaper columns, Putin recorded a rare, direct video address to the citizens of the People's Republic of China.

    - The Kremlin explicitly confirmed there is absolutely no connection between Putin's historic summit and Donald Trump's upcoming schedule. This alliance moves entirely on its own sovereign merit.


    https://x.com/mog_russEN/status/2056489922736046403


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Beate Landefeld

    🇷🇺🇨🇳Putin and Xi Jinping will adopt a declaration on the establishment of a multipolar world and a new type of international relations

    ▪️Russia has very high expectations for Putin's upcoming visit to China, Peskov said.
    ▪️Russia and China will sign about 40 documents during Putin's visit to Beijing, presidential aide Ushakov said.
    ▪️Putin will arrive in Beijing on the evening of May 19, and he will be welcomed by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.
    ▪️Putin and Xi Jinping will discuss the "Power of Siberia - 2" project in detail.
    ▪️Before his upcoming visit to China, Putin recorded a video message to Chinese citizens instead of preparing a traditional article in the local press.
    ▪️Putin will attend the BRICS summit in New Delhi on September 12-13.
    ▪️Putin's communication with the press in Beijing will depend on the end time of his work schedule.
    ▪️Russian-Chinese trade is almost entirely conducted in rubles and yuan. It is reliably protected from the influence of third countries and global instability.
    ▪️Putin will be accompanied by a large delegation of officials and businessmen in China:
    ➖Dmitry Peskov, Sergei Lavrov, Denis Manturov, Tatyana Golikova, Alexander Novak, Yuri Trutnev and Dmitry Chernyshenko, Oksana Lut, Olga Lyubimova, Andrey Nikitin, Maxim Reshetnikov, Anton Siluanov, Irek Fayzullin, Valery Falkov, Maxim Oreshkin.

    Slavyangrad

    https://x.com/BeateLandefeld/status/2056511440152863149


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    🇷🇺 STANISLAV KRAPIVNIK 🇷🇺

    May 19
    Why Putin's China Visit Will Bring More Results Than Trump's
    May 19, 2026

    Today, Tuesday, May 19, Russian President Vladimir Putin begins his state visit to Beijing, marking an unprecedented surge in high-level diplomatic activity following US President Donald Trump's visit to China. The back-to-back visits by the US and Russian presidents have attracted widespread attention. Analysts note that in the post-Cold War era, it is extremely rare for the same country to host the leaders of the US and Russia within a week of each other.

    Our previous analysis makes it clear that Russia is a key element in the emerging architecture of China-US energy cooperation, international trade, and global geopolitics. Last week's meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping should be viewed not simply as a bilateral dialogue, but as part of a broader strategic agreement in which Russia plays an indispensable role. We also pointed this out last week .

    Our assessment is well-founded. On May 17, EU Foreign Policy Chief Kaja Kallas stated that the US, China, and Russia prefer a fragmented Europe because a united EU represents a geopolitical force capable of challenging the major powers. This remark, suggesting the emergence of a China-Russia-US triumvirate, further underscores the changing geopolitical realities. Such statements reflect the European establishment's ongoing concerns about this supposed trilateral dynamic and Europe's diminishing role in a rapidly evolving multipolar world.

    Against this backdrop, special attention should be paid to President Putin's state visit on May 19-20, as well as the 10th Russia-China Expo, taking place from May 17 to 21 in Harbin, the capital of Heilongjiang Province in northeastern China. Xi Jinping and Putin sent greetings to the exhibition participants.

    Over the past years, the Russia-China Expo has provided an opportunity for direct and meaningful dialogue between representatives of the business community, government agencies, and regional authorities of the two countries, noted Russian President Vladimir Putin. According to the head of state, the informative exhibits are dedicated to key areas of bilateral cooperation, including energy and high technology, transport and logistics, industrial and agricultural sectors, as well as trade, economic, and cultural exchanges.

    The US-China summit, by contrast, did not include any associated US-China exhibitions or bilateral business events. In fact, all it achieved was to generate a string of cliched comments about Taiwan online and send some rather unpleasant footage viral, showing the US delegation throwing gifts presented by the Chinese into trash bins before departing for the United States.

    However, China-Russia engagement is intended to demonstrate the depth and resilience of Russian-Chinese economic cooperation and highlight its growing importance for expanding bilateral trade in 2026 and beyond. In this context, Russian-Chinese relations are not only strengthening but are increasingly defining the contours of Eurasian economic integration and changing the asymmetric nature of trade dynamics.

    Strategic Timing of Putin's Beijing Visit

    Vladimir Putin's visit to Beijing will be more than just another high-level diplomatic exchange between the two neighboring powers. The timing itself underscores the visit's strategic importance. Putin's visit to China, just four days after Trump's, carries great symbolic significance. Trump held closed-door meetings with Xi Jinping, and Putin is expected to hold similar talks with Xi behind closed doors. The results of these meetings are typically not fully disclosed. However, according to strategic analysis, these major powers are aligning their global strategies across a wide range of areas—from global trade and energy cooperation to geopolitics and security issues.

    As China has just adopted its 15th Five-Year Plan for 2026–2030, coordinating Russia and China's strategies will also be on the agenda. According to the Kremlin, the talks will result in the signing of a joint statement, as well as a number of bilateral intergovernmental, interdepartmental, and other agreements, which will ultimately be adopted on the heels of China's assessment of the United States' position on numerous global issues. Whatever China and Russia discuss, it will be partly a logical continuation of well-planned bilateral developments, with the caveat that it will also reflect some reaction to the strategic proposals put forward last week by the United States and China. (In the coming days, we will provide a results-based analysis of how the agreements between China and Russia will impact the next stage of their bilateral trade, investment, and strategic cooperation. To stay up to date with this publication, subscribe for free to our weekly updates.)

    Behind closed doors, China and Russia will discuss a wide range of global issues, ranging from a possible resolution to the conflict in Ukraine to the potential participation of American companies in Russian-Chinese energy infrastructure projects. Moscow and Beijing are shifting the focus of their trade to a broader framework that includes hydrocarbons, non-commodity goods, and value-added products. The long-standing perception of asymmetrical relations is gradually fading as China and Russia diversify their trade baskets and expand cooperation across multiple sectors.

    Trade expansion and structural stability of the economy
    Moscow clearly timed this trip to coincide with the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation—the foundational document that transformed Russian-Chinese relations from pragmatic coexistence into a long-term geopolitical and economic framework. A state-level visit in 2026 is significant, as China and Russia are no longer developing on the level of traditional bilateral cooperation. They are now becoming the central axis of Eurasian economic stability. What once relied primarily on hydrocarbons and cross-border trade now extends to industrial supply chains, digital finance, artificial intelligence, logistics corridors, aerospace cooperation, food security, Arctic infrastructure, and technological sovereignty. The numbers alone explain why the entire world is watching the events in Beijing this week.

    According to the General Administration of Customs of China, in the first four months of 2026 alone, trade turnover between China and Russia reached $85.24 billion, up 19.7% year-on-year. From January to April, Chinese exports to Russia grew by 23.1% to $37.83 billion, while Russian exports to China increased by 17% to $47.41 billion. As a result, Russia's trade surplus remained unchanged at $9.58 billion.

    In April alone, bilateral trade volume amounted to $23.7 billion, up 7% from March, including $10.16 billion in Chinese exports to Russia (up 8.4%) and $13.54 billion in Russian exports to China (up 6.1%). Russia primarily exported oil, natural gas, coal, copper, timber, seafood, and agricultural products to China, while China supplied automobiles, tractors, computers, smartphones, industrial equipment, and consumer goods. In April 2026, China remained the world's largest buyer of Russian fossil fuels, accounting for 41%, or $8.5 billion, of Russia's export revenues from the five largest importers.

    Crude oil accounted for 75% ($6.4 billion) of China's total purchases, followed by pipeline gas ($658 million) and petroleum products ($615 million). Coal ($405 million) and liquefied natural gas ($277 million) made up the remainder of China's energy imports. In April, China's total seaborne crude oil imports decreased by 25% compared to the previous month. This was reflected in total imports from Russia, which fell by 24%. A similar situation was observed with imports from Russia, which fell by 24%. Imports of Russian Sokol crude oil, exported from Russia's eastern port of De-Kastri, increased by 36% compared to the previous month—the highest figure in the past two years.

    On this trajectory, bilateral trade turnover could exceed $260 billion this year, significantly exceeding the record $240 billion reached in 2024. After falling to $228.1 billion in 2025, trade is seeing significant growth. Putin noted that China is Russia's largest trade and economic partner and added that bilateral trade continues to diversify into high-tech industries. Putin also stated that Russia and China have reached a high level of mutual understanding and are ready to "take a serious step forward" in oil and gas cooperation.

    These figures are significant not only because they are historically unprecedented, but also because they demonstrate structural resilience in the face of unprecedented sanctions pressure from the West. China has remained Russia's largest trading partner for 16 consecutive years. The most important aspect of this transformation is not the volume of trade, but its structure. For nearly two decades, Western analysts argued that Russia's economic relations with China were asymmetrical and overly dependent on the commodity sector. This assertion is increasingly outdated. Energy remains central to bilateral trade, but its structure is rapidly diversifying toward higher-value-added sectors.

    President Putin himself acknowledged this shift, stating that trade diversification into high-tech industries is "very important." This isn't diplomatic rhetoric, but a reflection of a strategic reality that is manifesting itself across many industries. Russian and Chinese companies are creating parallel industrial ecosystems capable of operating outside the financial and technological systems controlled by the West.

    Energy integration and the eastward shift of Eurasia
    Energy integration remains a central element of this transformation. China and Russia are deepening their long-term energy cooperation through projects in oil, gas, LNG, hydrogen, and nuclear power, with bilateral crude oil trade reaching 30 million tonnes per year, and the Power of Siberia 1 pipeline reaching its design capacity in 2025. By the end of 2025, Gazprom had supplied China with 38.8 billion cubic meters of gas, 2.1% above contractual obligations and sufficient to supply approximately 130 million households. In September 2025, Gazprom and the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) agreed to expand the capacity of the Power of Siberia 1 gas pipeline from 38 to 44 billion cubic meters per year, while the capacity of the Far East Route gas pipeline increased from 10 to 12 billion cubic meters.

    In February of this year, Russia ratified additional agreements related to the Yamal LNG project, strengthening cooperation in Arctic LNG and diversifying energy supply routes to China. In April, Chinese and Russian companies signed memoranda to create the first cross-border hydrogen transport corridor, linking Russian natural gas resources and freight demand with Chinese fuel cell technology, electrolyzer production, and hydrogen infrastructure capabilities.

    By the end of 2025, China will have established a fully-fledged hydrogen industrial chain with 574 hydrogen refueling stations, with a daily capacity exceeding 360 tons, and cumulative sales of hydrogen fuel cell vehicles approaching 40,000 units. Furthermore, bilateral cooperation has expanded to the Tianwan and Xudao nuclear projects, fast neutron reactors, closed fuel cycle technologies, and nuclear fusion research.

    Negotiations between Gazprom and CNPC on the construction of the Power of Siberia 2 gas pipeline are nearing completion. The proposed 2,600-kilometer pipeline, which will run from the Yamal Peninsula through Mongolia to northern China, will transport up to 50 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year. Combined with the existing Power of Siberia pipeline, Russian gas exports to China could exceed 100 billion cubic meters per year after 2030.

    This is fundamentally changing the energy geography of Eurasia. Until 2022, Europe was the main consumer of Russian pipeline gas. By the early 2030s, Asia, particularly China, will become the dominant market for Russian hydrocarbons. The consequences extend far beyond energy sales. The extensive pipeline infrastructure is creating long-term industrial interdependence in sectors such as metallurgy, mechanical engineering, petrochemicals, railway infrastructure, and financial integration.

    Oil cooperation is also developing in the same direction. Rosneft continues to expand long-term supply agreements with Chinese refineries, while Sinopec and CNPC are deepening cooperation in exploration and production, including projects in the Arctic and Eastern Siberia. Putin's statement that Moscow and Beijing are preparing a "serious and very significant step forward" in the oil and gas sector clearly points to the formation of a broader system of integration in hydrocarbon production, encompassing Arctic fields, eastern transport corridors, and Asian industrial demand.

    Technology, Artificial Intelligence and Industrial Sovereignty
    However, the real significance of the 2026 partnership extends beyond hydrocarbons. The Western sanctions architecture assumed that Russia would face technological isolation. Instead, Moscow and Beijing have accelerated technological integration. Chinese automakers are now entering the Russian automotive market. Brands associated with Geely, Chery, and Great Wall Motor are increasingly producing or assembling cars in Russia itself, integrating Chinese industrial potential into the Russian economy.

    At the same time, Chinese electronics, telecommunications equipment, and industrial machinery are filling the gaps left by Western companies' withdrawal. China Mobile is becoming a key player in digital infrastructure cooperation, while Russian tech companies are increasingly relying on Chinese supply chains for semiconductors and industrial electronics.

    The importance of cooperation in semiconductors and artificial intelligence is difficult to overstate. Moscow understands that technological sovereignty is essential for long-term strategic autonomy. China faces similar containment strategies from the West in the areas of advanced chips, artificial intelligence, and quantum computing. This creates powerful incentives for the development of parallel innovation ecosystems. Thus, joint work in aerospace, satellite navigation, advanced materials, and industrial artificial intelligence is becoming a central element of the bilateral strategy.

    Particularly indicative is cooperation in the aerospace sector. The collaboration between Roscosmos and the China National Space Administration on the International Lunar Research Station project demonstrates how this relationship has expanded into cutting-edge scientific fields. Russian instruments have already been integrated into China's Chang'e-7 and Chang'e-8 lunar missions. The joint lunar power station, scheduled for completion by 2036, symbolizes more than just scientific cooperation: it reflects a Eurasian technological bloc capable of competing in industries once monopolized by the United States.

    The integration of the BeiDou and GLONASS satellite systems, owned by China and Russia, follows the same logic. These projects are not merely symbolic. They directly support logistics, agriculture, border control, and military infrastructure across Eurasia. Together, they reduce dependence on Western-controlled navigation systems.

    The logistics revolution unfolding across Eurasia may ultimately prove even more significant than energy cooperation. Over 70% of China-Europe rail traffic currently passes through Russia. By May 2026, over 3,000 rail crossings were recorded at the Alatau Pass in Xinjiang, nearly three weeks more than last year. Over 40% of these trains were either bound for or arriving from Russia.

    This is important because logistics corridors determine the future industrial geography. Russia is no longer simply a transit space between Europe and Asia. It is becoming the central hub of a continental trading system increasingly oriented toward the East. Western sanctions have accelerated this transformation, forcing Moscow to prioritize its connections with Eurasia.

    Russia-China Expo 2026: Diversifying Trade Cooperation
    The 10th China-Russia Expo in Harbin beautifully illustrates the sweeping transformation taking place in bilateral economic relations. Chinese Vice Premier Zhang Guoqing and Russian Deputy Prime Minister Yuri Trutnev attended the opening ceremony on Sunday (May 17). Since the inaugural Expo in 2014, more than 7,200 Chinese and Russian enterprises and over 1 million business visitors have participated, with a combined transaction volume exceeding 300 billion yuan (approximately $43.9 billion).

    What began as a regional exhibition has evolved into the largest institutional commercial platform bringing together Russian and Chinese enterprises. This year, over 1,500 companies from 46 countries and regions participated in the event, while nearly 300 Russian companies showcased their products. The scale and diversity of the participants demonstrate that Russian-Chinese trade is no longer limited to oil, gas, and raw materials, but is increasingly encompassing such sectors as finance, industrial manufacturing, aerospace, logistics, agriculture, food processing, digital technology, infrastructure, and consumer goods manufacturing. The Russia-China Expo not only brings together Russian and Chinese businesses but also establishes connections between Russian businesses and enterprises and investors from the 46 participating countries and regions.

    Around 100 supporting events were organised, focusing on business networking, investment promotion, international cooperation, tourism and consumption, as well as over 100 presentations of Chinese and Russian products.

    High-tech and specialized enterprises account for over 20% of exhibitors, collectively presenting over 500 new products and equipment, as well as over 800 projects, technologies, and cooperation initiatives. Chinese-Russian economic cooperation is increasingly shifting from traditional sectors such as energy and mining toward the digital economy, green development, cross-border e-commerce, advanced manufacturing, smart agriculture, and medical technology collaboration.

    The Russian section of the exhibition occupies 12,000 square meters, of which 4,500 square meters are dedicated to exhibits from 250 organizations.

    Major Russian corporations participating in the exhibition include VTB, Rostec, and Alfa-Bank. Sixteen regions of Russia were represented, including Moscow, Primorye, Khabarovsk, Kamchatka, Yakutia, Tatarstan, Buryatia, the Amur, Arkhangelsk, Murmansk, Ryazan, Sverdlovsk, and Tver regions, the Trans-Baikal Territory, the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug – Yugra, and the Jewish Autonomous Region.

    Russian exhibits included helicopters, technological equipment, agricultural products, cosmetics, jewelry, folk crafts, and educational programs. Industrial presentations included Su-57 and Su-35 fighter jets, the SSJ-100 passenger jet, and the Steregushchiy Project 20380 corvettes. Khabarovsk Krai focused on the development of Bolshoy Ussuriysky Island, including the construction of cargo and passenger border crossings, a branch of the Russian National Center, Peoples' Friendship Park, and a Russian-Chinese technology park.

    Yakutia promoted projects to develop railway infrastructure, liquefied natural gas plants, AI-powered data centers, hotels, and ski resorts, while Amur Oblast promoted cross-border infrastructure projects, including an international road bridge, a cable car, a dry port, and a gas and chemical industrial cluster.

    The exhibition will also include the 6th Russia-China Forum on Interregional Cooperation, Moscow Days in Harbin on May 19-20, and the "Made in Russia" festival and fair on May 17-21, where more than 100 Russian agricultural producers and enterprises will present food products, consumer goods, and cultural goods aimed at expanding bilateral trade and humanitarian cooperation.

    In the banking and financial sectors, major Russian institutions such as VTB and Alfa-Bank are expanding their renminbi and ruble settlements, cross-border financing, and investment cooperation mechanisms, reflecting the accelerating de-dollarization of bilateral trade.

    Their participation demonstrates the growing role of an alternative Eurasian financial architecture independent of Western-controlled systems. China's experiments with a digital renminbi and Russia's development of digital commodity settlements indicate that both countries are seeking to reduce their vulnerability to Western-controlled financial systems.

    In heavy industry, defense industry, and high-tech manufacturing, Russian conglomerates such as Rostec, Russian Helicopters, and United Engine Corporation are seeking long-term cooperation with Chinese industrial giants, including China First Heavy Industries and the China Aero Engine Corporation. These sectors have significant growth potential in aerospace engineering, aircraft engine manufacturing, industrial equipment, and high-tech manufacturing, as both countries strive to establish independent technology ecosystems amid tightening Western restrictions.

    Energy remains the strategic core of bilateral relations, but its structure is rapidly changing. Chinese companies such as the China National Petroleum Corporation, China Energy Investment Corporation, and China Chengtong Holdings Group are expanding cooperation with Russian energy and infrastructure companies in oil, gas, LNG, Arctic logistics, and pipeline transportation. Long-term growth potential lies in the Power of Siberia 2 gas pipeline, Arctic shipping routes, and joint energy payment systems in national currencies. Bilateral energy cooperation is increasingly moving beyond the simple export of raw materials and evolving into a comprehensive industrial and infrastructure partnership.

    The transport and logistics sector is becoming one of the fastest-growing areas of Eurasian integration. Russian companies such as Transport and Logistics Terminal, TLC Ural, and RusExpoTrade are collaborating with China Railway Corporation to expand rail freight transportation capabilities, create border logistics hubs, and establish China-Europe transit corridors through Russia. The growth potential of this sector is enormous, as over 70% of rail freight between China and Europe already passes through Russia, turning the country into a logistics hub for Eurasian trade.

    2.

    Agriculture and food processing are also becoming key drivers of bilateral trade diversification. Russian grain, seafood, meat, and other food products are increasingly targeted at Chinese consumers, and China's extensive food processing and distribution networks enable production at a scale unavailable in other regions. Russian companies, including Russian Crab, Belokamenka-Fish, Yelizovsky Meat Processing Plant, Taiga, Ratimir, and Slavda, are targeting China's massive consumer market, while Chinese agricultural giants such as COFCO Group and Beidahuang Group are strengthening cooperation in grain processing, food supply chains, and agro-industrial investment. The potential for growth is particularly significant, as China's growing demand for seafood, meat, grain, and organic food products naturally aligns with Russia's growing agricultural export capabilities.

    China Mobile and Russian technology companies participating in the exhibition are increasingly developing cooperation in the fields of artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure, intelligent logistics systems, and industrial digitalization. This reflects Russia and China's desire to reduce dependence on Western technology platforms and create parallel digital ecosystems across Eurasia.

    The exhibition also demonstrates growing diversification in light industry, consumer goods, and cultural exports. Russian companies such as the Imperial Porcelain Factory, Krasny Oktyabr, Sladial, and regional cultural brands are increasingly adapting their products for Chinese consumers. This demonstrates that bilateral trade is expanding beyond strategic state-controlled industries and is increasingly focused on the consumer market.

    Overall, the exhibition in Harbin demonstrates a profound structural shift in Russian-Chinese economic relations. The decades-old notion of an asymmetrical relationship based primarily on Russian hydrocarbons and Chinese industrial goods is gradually disappearing. Both sides are now actively diversifying their trade baskets, building value-added production chains, and institutionalizing long-term Eurasian economic integration across many strategic sectors.

    This is a completely different strategy from the approach of the American delegation, which consisted of high-ranking executives and a limited number of employees. Although people like Elon Musk (Tesla, SpaceX), Tim Cook (Apple), David Solomon (Goldman Sachs), Larry Fink (Blackrock), Jane Fraser (Citi), Kelly Ortberg (Boeing), and Jensen Huang (Nvidia), as well as top executives from Meta, Cargill, Visa, Cisco, Qualcomm, Coherent, Micron, GE Aerospace, Illumina, and Mastercard, flew in for the conference, there was little time for deeper discussions and research. One suspects that many of these executives came simply to demonstrate their importance to their own boards and shareholders. Naturally, their presence was short-lived and did not involve travel to other cities.

    In contrast, the Harbin exhibition will last five days and will be attended by thousands of executives from China and Russia—from engineers to scientists, purchasing agents, and sales and marketing directors. Experience shows that it will be more inclusive than exclusive.

    Towards the creation of a parallel Eurasian economic order
    The Kremlin's announcement of 2026-2027 as the Years of Russian-Chinese Cooperation in Education is also of strategic significance. Student exchanges, research collaboration, and language programs are creating the infrastructure for future integration. Educational partnerships yield results that last for decades. Moscow and Beijing are well aware that geopolitical stability ultimately depends on social foundations.

    The Russian-Chinese partnership is increasingly creating alternative financial, technological, and logistical systems outside the traditional Western-led Atlantic institutions, forming a parallel Eurasian structure capable of reducing vulnerability to geopolitical pressure, but at the same time not capable of overnight replacing the Western world order.

    The political symbolism of Beijing hosting both Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin in the same week underscored China's emerging centrality in global diplomacy and reinforced Moscow's view that China is a key stabilizing pole in the emerging multipolar world. The choice of China as Putin's first foreign trip this year reflects Moscow's belief that strategic stability in Eurasia increasingly depends on Sino-Russian coordination. Even after normalizing relations with the United States, Russia is unlikely to abandon its "pivot to the East" strategy, in which China continues to play a central role. This also provides a rare glimpse into how Beijing and Moscow interact, as opposed to how the Americans prefer to interact.

    Thus, Putin's state visit on May 19–20 and the 10th Russia-China Expo 2026 symbolize more than diplomatic interaction or trade development. They represent the institutionalization of a new Eurasian economic architecture, uniting energy pipelines, logistics corridors, artificial intelligence cooperation, financial integration, industrial supply chains, agricultural exports, educational exchanges, and Arctic development into a single strategic system.

    For Russia, this partnership ensures economic resilience, technological adaptation, and strategic depth in the face of prolonged pressure from the West, while for China, it provides energy supplies, stability of continental trade routes, and strengthening Beijing's role as the main hub of Eurasian relations.

    This article was written by Ms. Khatun, an expert on Russian-Chinese relations. She can be contacted at info@russiaspivottoasia.com

    https://x.com/STANISKRAPIVNIK/status...12065462116550


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Pepe Escobar

    Now there's no turning back.


    MFA Russia 🇷🇺
    @mfa_russia
    ·
    8h
    🇷🇺🇨🇳 Joint Declaration on the Emergence of a Multipolar World and International Relations of a New Type.

    Adopted on May 20 by Presidents of Russia & China following bilateral talks.

    https://x.com/RealPepeEscobar/status...10847403802830



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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Pepe Escobar

    Xi:

    "China and Russia must build 'a just system of global governance'.

    In sharp contrast with Forever Wars.

    https://x.com/RealPepeEscobar/status...55628732789195



    Pepe Escobar

    Xi:

    "Damage imposed by unilateral actions and hegemony is off the scales. It threatens to bring us back to the law of the jungle."

    China & Russia will counter unilateralism and provocations aimed at denying the outcome of World War II, trying to revive the ghosts of Nazism and fascism."

    https://x.com/RealPepeEscobar/status...79341721465117


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  25. Link to Post #1613
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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    MFA Russia 🇷🇺

    🇷🇺🇨🇳 Joint Statement on Further Strengthening Comprehensive Partnership & Strategic Interaction, & Deepening Relations of Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship & Cooperation.

    Adopted on May 20 by Presidents of Russia & China following bilateral talks.

    📄 https://t.me/MFARussia/29961

    https://x.com/mfa_russia/status/2057074644440551703


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    MFA Russia 🇷🇺

    💬 FM #Lavrov: The world economy's new balance of power should be reflected in the structures that have remained since #WWII.

    This includes the UNSC, which needs to be reformed by expanding the representation of countries of Asia, Africa & Latin America.

    https://t.me/MFARussia/29977

    https://x.com/mfa_russia/status/2057161219660812500


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    MFA Russia 🇷🇺

    💬 FM #Lavrov to a request to comment on statements regarding Kaliningrad by a Lithuanian FM:

    Such statements should be given less attention.

    ☝️ These people somehow need to prove they exist. But unlike Descartes, who said “I think, therefore I exist”, these people simply exist


    https://x.com/mfa_russia/status/2057163184641884263




    MFA Russia 🇷🇺

    ✉️ FM Sergey #Lavrov to the participants of the VIII Moscow Academic Economic Forum:

    ✍️ I am confident that your meeting will facilitate the formulation of joint decisions to foster innovative development & bolster competitiveness of national economies.

    https://t.me/MFARussia/29978


    https://x.com/mfa_russia/status/2057170743289401441


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Quote Posted by Ravenlocke (here)
    Pepe Escobar

    Now there's no turning back.


    MFA Russia 🇷🇺
    @mfa_russia
    ·
    8h
    🇷🇺🇨🇳 Joint Declaration on the Emergence of a Multipolar World and International Relations of a New Type.

    Adopted on May 20 by Presidents of Russia & China following bilateral talks.

    https://x.com/RealPepeEscobar/status...10847403802830


    🅰pocalypsis 🅰pocalypseos 🇷🇺 🇨🇳 🅉
    @apocalypseos
    ·
    11h
    🇷🇺🇨🇳 Joint Declaration of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the Formation of a Multipolar World and International Relations of a New Type

    May 20, 2026

    The Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as “the Parties”), as civilizations with ancient histories, founding states of the United Nations (UN) and permanent members of its Security Council, important centers of power in a multipolar world, playing a constructive role in maintaining the global balance of power and improving the system of international relations,

    guided by the ideas of the Russian-Chinese Joint Declaration on a Multipolar World and the Formation of a New International Order of April 23, 1997, the Joint Declaration between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the International Order in the 21st Century of July 1, 2005, the Joint Statement of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the Current Situation in the World and Important International Issues of July 4, 2017, and the Joint Statement of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on International Relations Entering a New Era and Global Sustainable Development of February 4, 2022, declare the following:

    1. Since the end of the Second World War, changes in the international landscape and the global balance of power have accelerated.

    On the one hand, the wave of decolonization and the end of the Cold War led to a significant increase in the number of sovereign states in the world. The international community has become more diverse and complex. The level of development and international influence of the states of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and the Caribbean has risen. The number of regional and interregional associations whose activities encompass all spheres of international relations, from politics and security to the economy and humanitarian dimensions, has increased, and their role in world affairs continues to grow steadily. Interconnectedness and interdependence in the world have reached an unprecedented level in human history.

    Attempts by certain states to unilaterally govern world affairs, impose their interests on the entire world, and restrict the opportunities for the sovereign development of other countries in the spirit of the colonial era have failed. The system of international relations in the 21st century is undergoing a profound transformation, evolving toward a long-term state of polycentricity and the formation of international relations of a new type.

    Most states, taking into account the historical experience they have gained, have deeply realized the arrival of a new era and the need to follow the path toward the formation of a more cohesive international community, as well as mutual respect for fundamental interests, equality, justice, and mutually beneficial cooperation without dividing the world into opposing regions and blocs.

    On the other hand, the global situation is becoming more complicated. Negative neocolonial tendencies are intensifying, including the practice of unilateral force-based approaches, hegemonism, and bloc confrontation. Basic universally recognized norms of international law and international relations are regularly violated, states find it increasingly difficult to coordinate their actions and resolve conflicts within global governance institutions, many of which are losing effectiveness. The global agenda of peace and development faces new risks and challenges, and there is a danger of fragmentation of the international community and a return to the “law of the jungle.”

    2. Advocating for a harmonious process of forming an equal and orderly multipolar world and international relations of a new type, including a more just and rational system of global governance, the Parties commit themselves and call upon the international community to adhere to the following basic principles in relations with one another:

    1. The principle of openness of the world for inclusive and mutually beneficial cooperation.

    It is important to overcome the fragmentation of the world and promote the elimination of cross-border barriers in various spheres, while respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and identity of all sovereign states. There is no universal path of development in the world, and there are no “first-class” countries or peoples. The differences between states that are natural in such a diverse and complex world should not become an obstacle to the development of equal, respectful, and mutually beneficial relations among them. The choice of path and model of development of every sovereign state must be respected. The democratization of international political relations and the building of a more open global economy correspond to the fundamental interests of all countries of the world. Unilateral approaches to solving common problems, hegemonism, and policies of coercion in any form are unacceptable.

    2. The principle of indivisible and equal security.

    The formation of a more cohesive international community against the backdrop of growing common risks and challenges for humanity means that the security of one state cannot be ensured at the expense of the security of another. All sovereign states have an equal right to security. Due attention must be paid to the legitimate security concerns of all countries, cooperation in the field of security must be pursued, bloc confrontation and “zero-sum game” strategies rejected, and opposition expressed to the expansion of military alliances, “hybrid” wars, and proxy wars, while promoting the creation of a renewed, balanced, effective, and sustainable architecture of global and regional security. Differences and disputes should be resolved peacefully by eliminating the root causes of conflicts. It is inadmissible to coerce sovereign states into abandoning neutrality.

    3. The principle of democratizing international relations and improving the system of global governance.

    All states and their associations are free to choose foreign partners and models of international interaction. Hegemony in the world is inadmissible and must be prohibited. No state or group of states should control international affairs, determine the destinies of other countries, or monopolize opportunities for development. The system of global governance and regulation must ensure conditions for the equal participation of all states in political decision-making processes and in benefiting from them, while continuously improving itself. Global governance, serving as an important instrument for ordering the system of international relations, must adhere to sovereign equality, the supremacy of international law, multilateralism, human-centeredness, and a focus on results. To this end, it is necessary to strengthen the role of multilateralism as the principal instrument for resolving multifaceted and complex global problems and to prevent the weakening of the UN. Reform of the UN and other multilateral institutions must serve the interests of all humanity and consistently increase the representation and voice of developing states in the international system. The UN Charter is the foundational norm of international relations, and its principles must be observed in their entirety and interconnection. Rules developed by a narrow circle of states must not replace universally recognized international law. Major powers must assume special responsibility and mission, impose higher standards upon themselves, and not abuse their advantages.

    4. Global civilizational and value diversity.

    All human civilizations possess intrinsic value and equality; civilizations are not divided into highly developed and underdeveloped, strong and weak. The spiritual and moral system of no civilization can be regarded as exceptional or superior to others. All countries must uphold a view of civilizations based on equality, mutual exchange of experience, and dialogue, strengthen mutual respect, understanding, trust, and exchanges among different nationalities and civilizations, promote mutual understanding and friendship among the peoples of all countries, and protect the diversity of cultures and civilizations. It is necessary to firmly oppose the use of human rights as a pretext for interference in the internal affairs of other states, as well as the politicization and instrumentalization of human rights issues. Religion is an important conduit of human culture, playing a special role in building ties between peoples, and all states must create favorable conditions for interreligious dialogue and exchanges.

    3. The Parties will continue to develop a shared vision for the formation of a multipolar world and more just international relations of a new type.

    https://x.com/apocalypseos/status/2057030374698705013


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    🅰pocalypsis 🅰pocalypseos 🇷🇺 🇨🇳 🅉 reposted

    Pepe Escobar

    In the Great Hall of the People:

    Xi: we are facing the risk of regression to “jungle law” in global affairs.

    Putin: “The complex process of forming a multipolar world based on a balance of interests among all its participants is under way.”

    https://x.com/RealPepeEscobar/status...48201400541257


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Ignorance, the root and stem of all evil

    ❗️🇷🇺🇨🇳THE SPIRIT OF BEIJING," UNLIKE THE "SPIRIT OF ANCHORAGE," DOES EXIST — PUTIN'S AIDE USHAKOV

    #News #Politics #Russia #China #USA

    https://x.com/ivan_8848/status/2057202691609162176


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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Sputnik

    🚨🌐No SWIFT, no dollar: Ruble–yuan system paves way for multipolar finance

    🇷🇺🇨🇳 Nearly 100% of Russia-China trade is now settled in national currencies, which is a landmark in financial sovereignty, Hong Kong-based political analyst Angelo Giuliano tells Sputnik.

    🟠 Russia's energy and mineral resources "perfectly match" China's world-class manufacturing and tech scale

    🟠 National currency settlements have created a resilient, sanctions-proof ecosystem

    🟠 Strong growth despite Western tariffs and global instability proves multipolarity delivers real results

    The shift to ruble–yuan ops inspires BRICS+ and Global South nations to pursue independent finance—accelerating de-dollarization toward fairer, sovereign global trade

    https://x.com/SputnikInt/status/2057167220514394602



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    Default Re: The Multipolar World Order (yes, it's here)

    Sprinter Press Agency

    🇺🇲 US Secretary of State Marco Rubio arrived in Delhi and asked, "Where is everyone?" At the airport, he was only greeted by the commander of his own plane, and not a single Indian government official came to meet him.

    https://x.com/SprinterPress/status/2059238536864284731


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