+ Reply to Thread
Results 1 to 9 of 9

Thread: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

  1. Link to Post #1
    Deactivated
    Join Date
    1st May 2011
    Posts
    1,363
    Thanks
    1,909
    Thanked 4,504 times in 1,178 posts

    Default 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    Curious this didn't get a mention here today.


    http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/25-year...mory-1.2663440

    In the traditional courtyard next to the Forbidden City in the heart of Beijing a well-known defence lawyer was explaining his theory of legal change in China.

    Mo Shaoping had defended several leaders of the Tiananmen protests in 1989. They had been convicted. Yet he professed to see signs of progress.

    "You must cook the frog slowly," he said. "If you put a live frog in a pot of boiling water, he will leap out. But if the water is cold and you raise the temperature slowly, you will finish with a lovely boiled frog."

    At that point his most famous client walked into the courtyard. Liu Xiaobo had been driven there by the security police.

    This was in 2008, a week before the June 4 anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre and two months before the start of the Beijing Olympics.

    Technically Liu was a free man but, as the security police did every year before the Tiananmen anniversary, they put him under house arrest.

    This time, though, with Beijing swarming with foreign journalists in the lead-up to the Olympics, they did not want the embarrassment of seeing stories about a leading dissident refused access to his lawyer. So they drove him to his meeting.

    Liu described his position with sardonic humour. "When I was arrested in 1996, they ransacked my house and left it in a mess. In 2004 they came and searched again. But this time they all wore white gloves, and they put everything back. And they chauffeur me to my appointments."

    As he sees it, "You can't win a trial in the end, but the legal process is much improved since the 1990s. Still you can't call it the rule of law. The rule of law we have now is only better than the rule of law in Mao Zedong's time when we had no rule, no law."

    Liu had been a leader of the pro-democracy protests in 1989 that had shaken the Chinese regime to its core.

    For that he was sentenced to two years in prison. Later he spent years in a Chinese prison labour camp for his criticism of the one party system. He was undeterred.

    Six months after our meeting he was arrested again, two days before he was due to publish his "Charter 08," a lonely call for free speech and democracy.

    "We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes," the charter said. The regime disagreed.

    A year later, Liu was convicted of "inciting subversion of the state's power," and sentenced to 11 years in prison. In 2010 he won the Nobel Peace Prize.

    Viewing words as crimes. Beijing views certain words as incendiary, and Tiananmen is one of them.

    On Chinese search sites it produces a blank. The regime is determined to erase the events of spring 1989 from Chinese history. Even gathering to discuss the protests and the killings is incendiary.

    On May 3 this year, 15 people — professors and lawyers — gathered in a home in Beijing to reflect on the upcoming 25th anniversary of Tiananmen.

    Two days later, five of the participants were arrested and charged with "creating a disturbance in a public place, causing serious disorder." All five remain in detention.

    For the Chinese regime Tiananmen is a wound that will not heal as long as even a handful of people remember it. And so the continuous arrests and detentions and charges.

    This year the crackdown appears tougher than before.

    The irony is that it all seems so unnecessary. The erasure has largely worked. A new generation has only a hazy recognition, at best, of those events.

    Yet, at the time, it was the young people who seemed about to crack the regime open. To add to the drama of hundreds of thousands of protesters in Beijing's main square that spring, the leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, arrived for a state visit in May.

    As a correspondent in Moscow I followed him. I had earlier been a reporter in Beijing at the beginning of the 1980s when it was a country so tightly controlled that what was taking place on Tiananmen would have seemed a mad dream.

    Strolling among joyous young people voicing opinions, criticism and jokes about their leaders, which few would have whispered half a decade before, was stunning.

    Gorbachev came to Beijing as the proponent of "glasnost" or openness. But China's leader, the diminutive Deng Xiaoping, wasn't interested, and indeed feared its consequences.

    The day after Gorbachev left, China decreed martial law. Two weeks later the troops moved in, shooting.

    Gorbachev at the time was a global superstar. Two and a half years later he was a man without a job, his country broken in 15 pieces. Glasnost was indeed dangerous.

    Deng offered the Chinese another deal — get rich and leave the politics to the Communist Party. That implicit bargain, 25 years on, has made China a superpower.

    And so, today, Liu Xiaobo remains in jail, the Communist Party is the only party in China, and words used a certain way remain crimes.

    There is an unsettling Russian footnote to Tiananmen that casts Gorbachev in a somewhat less positive light.

    According to official notes made public years later, the man of glasnost told his politburo on Oct. 4, 1989, four months after Tiananmen, "We must be realists. They [the Chinese leadership] have to defend themselves. So do we. Three thousand people, so what?"

    Three thousand dead, and now relatively few in the country know or remember. It is taking a long time to boil the frog.

  2. The Following 4 Users Say Thank You to Milneman For This Post:

    dianna (6th June 2014), giovonni (6th June 2014), Shezbeth (4th June 2014), Wind (4th June 2014)

  3. Link to Post #2
    Finland Avalon Member Wind's Avatar
    Join Date
    25th September 2011
    Location
    A dream called Life
    Posts
    7,915
    Thanks
    88,701
    Thanked 49,243 times in 7,700 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    "When you've seen beyond yourself, then you may find, peace of mind is waiting there." ~ George Harrison

  4. The Following 5 Users Say Thank You to Wind For This Post:

    Airwooz (5th June 2014), dianna (6th June 2014), giovonni (6th June 2014), Milneman (4th June 2014), Shezbeth (4th June 2014)

  5. Link to Post #3
    Unsubscribed
    Join Date
    22nd January 2011
    Location
    Everywhere
    Age
    44
    Posts
    1,505
    Thanks
    5,486
    Thanked 5,216 times in 1,274 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    I've always wondered, why didn't he get ON the tank?

  6. Link to Post #4
    Deactivated
    Join Date
    1st May 2011
    Posts
    1,363
    Thanks
    1,909
    Thanked 4,504 times in 1,178 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    he did blanche, he did.

  7. The Following User Says Thank You to Milneman For This Post:

    Shezbeth (4th June 2014)

  8. Link to Post #5
    Greece Avalon Member
    Join Date
    29th April 2010
    Location
    Glasgow Scotland
    Age
    47
    Posts
    1,237
    Thanks
    39
    Thanked 1,481 times in 519 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    well teh Chinese Gov is the good guys atm ... else they cant explain why the USA is making most of its prod in China :-P so lets forget and forgive (not a chance)

  9. Link to Post #6
    China Avalon Member Airwooz's Avatar
    Join Date
    9th February 2011
    Posts
    139
    Thanks
    212
    Thanked 666 times in 119 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    After 1989 the Globalist keep invest the Party, put them on the chair of slaveholder make them rich, eventully set up the so called World factory

    25years later, most Chinese people only has blurry memory. Nothing on textbook ever mention the incedent, internet censorship and so on......

    Thoes who refuse to forgive were put into jail or die.


    Chinese lost their soul and spirit after 1989, the whole country corrupted to the core. There used to have integrity and good arts, now just bunch of gold diggers.
    I must not fear. Fear is the mind-killer. Fear is the little-death that brings total obliteration. I will face my fear. I will permit it to pass over me and through me. And when it has gone past I will turn the inner eye to see its path. Where the fear has gone there will be nothing. Only I will remain.

  10. The Following 5 Users Say Thank You to Airwooz For This Post:

    giovonni (6th June 2014), Midnight Rambler (5th June 2014), Rollo (5th June 2014), Wind (6th June 2014), yuhui (21st September 2014)

  11. Link to Post #7
    Moderator (on Sabbatical) Cara's Avatar
    Join Date
    12th February 2014
    Location
    Dubai, United Arab Emirates
    Language
    English
    Posts
    1,431
    Thanks
    9,850
    Thanked 7,504 times in 1,331 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    The Paul Craig Roberts website has this on about Tianamen Square.

    _______________________________________
    From PaulCraigRoberts.org:

    Tiananmen Square After 25 Years — Brian Becker
    http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2014...-brian-becker/

    The Tiananmen Square “massacre,” in which thousands of Chinese students were
    alleged by Washington and the presstitute media to have been massacred, was entirely a fabrication of the US government and its Ministry of Propaganda.

    No such massacre occurred, but the myth lives on.

    Brian Becker, who was on the scene, provides an accurate account of what was an
    effort by Washington to overthrow the Chinese government. China remains vulnerable, as is Russia. Both countries are filled with Washington-financed NGOs and “democracy
    advocates” that serve as fifth columns dedicated to the overthrow of the governments.

    The Russian and Chinese governments have been very careless by permitting these subversive agents to flourish and might yet pay a huge price for their carelessness, as Ukraine has paid.

    Brian Becker’s report is here: http://www.globalresearch.ca/what-re...rs-ago/5385528

    __________________
    From GlobalResearch.ca:

    What Really Happened in Tiananmen Square 25 Years Ago
    The massacre that wasn’t
    By Brian Becker

    Twenty-five years ago today, every U.S. media outlet, along with then President Bush and the U.S. Congress were whipping up a full scale frenzied hysteria and attack against the Chinese government for what was described as the cold-blooded massacre of many thousands of non-violent “pro-democracy” students who had occupied Tiananmen Square for seven weeks.

    The hysteria generated about the Tiananmen Square “massacre” was based on a fictitious narrative about what actually happened when the Chinese government finally cleared the square of protestors on June 4, 1989.

    The demonization of China was highly effective. Nearly all sectors of U.S. society, including most of the “left,” accepted the imperialist presentation of what happened.

    At the time the Chinese government’s official account of the events was immediately dismissed out of hand as false propaganda. China reported that about 300 people had died in clashes on June 4 and that many of the dead were soldiers of the Peoples Liberation Army. China insisted that there was no massacre of students in Tiananmen Square and in fact the soldiers cleared Tiananmen Square of demonstrators without any shooting.

    The Chinese government also asserted that unarmed soldiers who had entered Tiananmen Square in the two days prior to June 4 were set on fire and lynched with their corpses hung from buses. Other soldiers were incinerated when army vehicles were torched with soldiers unable to evacuate and many other were badly beaten by violent mob attacks.

    These accounts were true and well documented. It would not be difficult to imagine how violently the Pentagon and U.S. law enforcement agencies would have reacted if the Occupy movement, for instance, had similarly set soldiers and police on fire, taken their weapons and lynched them when the government was attempting to clear them from public spaces.

    In an article on June 5, 1989, the Washington Post described how anti-government fighters had been organized into formations of 100-150 people. They were armed with Molotov cocktails and iron clubs, to meet the PLA who were still unarmed in the days prior to June 4.

    What happened in China, what took the lives of government opponents and of soldiers on June 4, was not a massacre of peaceful students but a battle between PLA soldiers and armed detachments from the so-called pro-democracy movement.

    “On one avenue in western Beijing, demonstrators torched an entire military convoy of more than 100 trucks and armored vehicles. Aerial pictures of conflagration and columns of smoke have powerfully bolstered the [Chinese] government’s arguments that the troops were victims, not executioners. Other scenes show soldiers’ corpses and demonstrators stripping automatic rifles off unresisting soldiers,” admitted the Washington Post in a story that was favorable to anti-government opposition on June 12, 1989.

    The Wall Street Journal, the leading voice of anti-communism, served as a vociferous cheerleader for the “pro-democracy” movement. Yet, their coverage right after June 4 acknowledged that many “radicalized protesters, some now armed with guns and vehicles commandeered in clashes with the military” were preparing for larger armed struggles. The Wall Street Journal report on the events of June 4 portrays a vivid picture:

    “As columns of tanks and tens of thousands soldiers approached Tiananmen many troops were set on by angry mobs … [D]ozens of soldiers were pulled from trucks, severely beaten and left for dead. At an intersection west of the square, the body of a young soldier, who had beaten to death, was stripped naked and hung from the side of a bus. Another’s soldier corpse was strung at an intersection east of the square.”

    The massacre that wasn’t

    In the days immediately after June 4, 1989, the New York Times headlines, articles and editorials used the figure that “thousands” of peaceful activists had been massacred when the army sent tanks and soldiers into the Square. The number that the Times was using as an estimate of dead was 2,600. That figure was used at the go-to number of student activists who were mowed down in Tiananmen. Almost every U.S. media reported “many thousands” killed. Many media outlets said as many 8,000 had been slaughtered.

    Tim Russert, NBC’s Washington Bureau Chief, appearing later on Meet the Press said “tens of thousands” died in Tiananmen Square.

    The fictionalized version of the “massacre” was later corrected in some very small measure by Western reporters who had participated in the fabrications and who were keen to touch up the record so that they could say they made “corrections.” But by then it was too late and they knew that too. Public consciousness had been shaped. The false narrative became the dominant narrative. They had successfully massacred the facts to fit the political needs of the U.S. government.

    “Most of the hundreds of foreign journalists that night, including me, were in other parts of the city or were removed from the square so that they could not witness the final chapter of the student story. Those who tried to remain close filed dramatic accounts that, in some cases, buttressed the myth of a student massacre,” wrote Jay Mathews, the Washington Post’s first Bureau Chief in Beijing, in a 1998 article in the Columbia Journalism Review.

    Mathews’ article, which includes his own admissions to using the terminology of the Tiananmen Square massacre, came nine years after the fact and he acknowledged that corrections later had little impact.

    “The facts of Tiananmen have been known for a long time. When Clinton visited the square this June, both The Washington Post and The New York Times explained that no one died there [in Tiananmen Square] during the 1989 crackdown. But these were short explanations at the end of long articles. I doubt that they did much to kill the myth.”

    At the time all of the reports about the massacre of the students said basically the same thing and thus it seemed that they must be true. But these reports were not based on eyewitness testimony.

    What really happened

    For seven weeks leading up to June 4, the Chinese government was extraordinarily restrained in not confronting those who paralyzed the center of China’s central capital area. The Prime Minister met directly with protest leaders and the meeting was broadcast on national television. This did not defuse the situation but rather emboldened the protest leaders who knew that they had the full backing of the United States.

    The protest leaders erected a huge statue that resembled the United States’ Statue of Liberty in the middle of Tiananmen Square. They were signaling to the entire world that their political sympathies were with the capitalist countries and the United States in particular. They proclaimed that they would continue the protests until the government was ousted.

    With no end in sight the Chinese leadership decided to end the protests by clearing Tiananmen Square. Troops came into the Square without weapons on June 2 and many soldiers were beaten, some were killed and army vehicles were torched.

    On June 4, the PLA re-entered the Square with weapons. According to the U.S. media accounts of the time that is when machine gun toting PLA soldiers mowed down peaceful student protests in a massacre of thousands.

    China said that reports of the “massacre” in Tiananmen Square were a fabrication created both by Western media and by the protest leaders who used a willing Western media as a platform for an international propaganda campaign in their interests.

    On June 12, 1989, eight days after the confrontation, the New York Times published an “exhaustive” but in fact fully fabricated eyewitness report of the Tiananmen Massacre by a student, Wen Wei Po. It was full of detailed accounts of brutality, mass murder, and heroic street battles. It recounted PLA machine gunners on the roof of Revolutionary Museum overlooking the Square and students being mowed down in the Square. This report was picked up by media throughout the U.S.

    Although treated as gospel and irrefutable proof that China was lying, the June 12 “eyewitness” report by Wen Wei Po was so over the top and would so likely discredit the New York Times in China that the Times correspondent in Beijing, Nicholas Kristoff, who had served as a mouthpiece for the protestors, took exception to the main points in the article.

    Kristoff wrote in a June 13 article,

    “The question of where the shootings occurred has significance because of the Government’s claim that no one was shot on Tiananmen Square. State television has even shown film of students marching peacefully away from the square shortly after dawn as proof that they were not slaughtered.”

    “The central scene in the [eyewitness] article is of troops beating and machine-gunning unarmed students clustered around the Monument to the People’s Heroes in the middle of Tiananmen Square. Several other witnesses, both Chinese and foreign, say this did not happen,” Kristoff wrote.

    “There is also no evidence of machine-gun emplacements on the roof of the history museum that were reported in the Wen Wei Po article. This reporter was directly north of the museum and saw no machine guns there. Other reporters and witnesses in the vicinity also failed to see them.

    “The central theme of the Wen Wei Po article was that troops subsequently beat and machine-gunned students in the area around the monument and that a line of armored vehicles cut off their retreat. But the witnesses say that armored vehicles did not surround the monument – they stayed at the north end of the square – and that troops did not attack students clustered around the monument. Several other foreign journalists were near the monument that night as well and none are known to have reported that students were attacked around the monument,” Kristoff wrote in the June 13, 1989 article.

    The Chinese government’s account acknowledges that street fighting and armed clashes occurred in nearby neighborhoods. They say that approximately three hundred died that night including many soldiers who died from gunfire, Molotov cocktails and beatings. But they have insisted that there was no massacre.

    Kristoff too says that there were clashes on several streets but refutes the “eyewitness” report about a massacre of students in Tiananmen Square,

    “… Instead, the students and a pop singer, Hou Dejian, were negotiating with the troops and decided to leave at dawn, between 5 A.M. and 6 A.M. The students all filed out together. Chinese television has shown scenes of the students leaving and of the apparently empty square as troops moved in as the students left.”

    Attempted counter-revolution in China

    In fact, the U.S. government was actively involved in promoting the “pro-democracy” protests through an extensive, well-funded, internationally coordinated propaganda machine that pumped out rumors, half-truths and lies from the moment the protests started in mid-April 1989.

    The goal of the U.S. government was to carry out regime change in China and overthrow the Communist Party of China which had been the ruling party since the 1949 revolution. Since many activists in today’s progressive movement were not alive or were young children at the time of the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the best recent example of how such an imperialist destabilization/regime change operation works is revealed in the recent overthrow of the Ukrainian government. Peaceful protests in the downtown square receive international backing, financing and media support from the United States and Western powers; they eventually come under the leadership of armed groups who are hailed as freedom fighters by the Wall Street Journal, FOX News and other media; and finally the government targeted for overthrow by the CIA is fully demonized if it uses police or military forces.

    In the case of the “pro-democracy” protests in China in 1989 the U.S. government was attempting to create a civil war. The Voice of America increased its Chinese language broadcasts to 11 hours each day and targeted the broadcast “directly to 2,000 satellite dishes in China operated mostly by the Peoples Liberation Army.” (New York Times June 9, 1989)

    The Voice of America broadcasts to PLA units were filled with reports that some PLA units were firing on others and different units were loyal to the protestors and others with the government.

    The Voice of America and U.S. media outlets tried to create confusion and panic among government supporters. Just prior to June 4 they reported that China’s Prime Minister Li Peng had been shot and that Deng Xiaoping was near death.

    Most in the U.S. government and in the media expected the Chinese government to be toppled by pro-Western political forces as was starting to happening with the overthrow of socialist governments throughout Eastern and Central Europe at the time (1988-1991) following the introduction of pro-capitalist reforms by Gorbachev in the Soviet Union in 1991.

    In China, the “pro-democracy” protest movement was led by privileged, well-connected students from elite universities who were explicitly calling for the replacement of socialism with capitalism. The leaders were particularly connected to the United States. Of course, thousands of other students who participated in the protests were in the Square because they had grievances against the government.

    But the imperialist-connected leadership of the movement had an explicit plan to topple the government. Chai Ling, who was recognized as the top leader of the students, gave an interview to Western reporters on the eve of June 4 in which she acknowledged that the goal of the leadership was to lead the population in a struggle to topple the Communist Party of China, which she explained would only be possible if they could successfully provoke the government into violently attacking the demonstrations. That interview was aired in the film the “Gate of Heavenly Peace.” Chai Ling also explained why they couldn’t tell the rank and file student protestors about the leaders’ real plans.

    “The pursuit of wealth is part of the impetus for democracy,” explained another top student leader Wang Dan, in an interview with the Washington Post in 1993, on the fourth anniversary of the incident. Wang Dan was in all the U.S. media before and after the Tiananmen incident. He was famous for explaining why the elitist student leaders didn’t want Chinese workers joining their movement. He stated “the movement is not ready for worker participation because democracy must first be absorbed by the students and intellectuals before they can spread it to others.”

    Twenty-five years later – U.S. still seeks regime change and counter-revolution in China

    The action by the Chinese government to disperse the so-called pro-democracy movement in 1989 was met with bitter frustration within the United States political establishment.

    The U.S. imposed economic sanctions on China at first, but their impact was minimal and both the Washington political establishment and the Wall Street banks realized that U.S. corporations and banks would be the big losers in the 1990′s if they tried to completely isolate China when China was further opening its vast domestic labor and commodities market to the direct investment from Western corporations. The biggest banks and corporations put their own profit margins first and the Washington politicians took their cue from the billionaire class on this question.

    But the issue of counter-revolution in China will rear its head again. The economic reforms that were inaugurated after the death Mao opened the country to foreign investment. This development strategy was designed to rapidly overcome the legacy of poverty and under-development by the import of foreign technology. In exchange the Western corporations received mega profits. The post-Mao leadership in the Communist Party calculated that the strategy would benefit China by virtue of a rapid technology transfer from the imperialist world to China. And indeed China has made great economic strides. But in addition to economic development there has also developed a larger capitalist class inside of China and a significant portion of that class and their children are being wooed by all types of institutions financed by the U.S. government, U.S. financial institutions and U.S. academic centers.

    The Communist Party of China is also divided into pro-U.S. and pro-socialist factions and tendencies.

    Today, the United States government is applying ever greater military pressure on China. It is accelerating the struggle against China’s rise by cementing new military and strategic alliances with other Asian countries. It is also hoping that with enough pressure some in the Chinese leadership who favor abandoning North Korea will get the upper hand.

    If counter-revolution were to succeed in China the consequences would be catastrophic for the Chinese people and for China. China would in all likelihood splinter as a nation as happened to the Soviet Union when the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was toppled. The same fate befell the former Yugoslavia. Counter-revolution and dismemberment would hurtle China backwards. It would put the brakes on China’s spectacular peaceful rise out of under-development. For decades there has been a serious discussion within the U.S. foreign policy establishment about the dismemberment of China which would weaken China as a nation and allow the United States and Western powers to seize its most lucrative parts. This is precisely the scenario that cast China into its century of humiliation when Western capitalist powers dominated the country.

    The Chinese Revolution has gone through many stages, victories, retreats and setbacks. Its contradictions are innumerable. But still it stands. In the confrontation between world imperialism and the Peoples Republic of China, progressive people should know where they stand – it is not on the sidelines.

    ______________________________________________

    Sorry for posting such a long article. Long read with lots of details.

    A first comment:
    Having lived through anti-apartheid protests and police and military response in South Africa in the 80s, I must say that a viewpoint that "it didn't happen, it was all just a propaganda stunt", would be very insulting and distressing to most victims of a massacre and their families. Also, the story is always much more complicated than the single theme portrayed in the media, with many layers, factions and multiple points of betrayal through the system.

    A second comment:
    I am not sure what to make of this article and its intent. Paul Craig Roberts is definitely positioning it with a specific view to calling US behavior out as problematic (both then and now). But I am not sure about the full report by Brian Becker. The closing paragraph wants you to take sides. That seems too convenient a closing from an article that speaks of the complexities and the multiple agendas being played out.

    A question:
    Was this an earlier but "failed" incarnation of the Egypt recipe (lots of other places too) as the report portrays? I.e. Fund the protesters, create an organised resistance that can't be linked with you, have them carry out your goals to destabilise and secure a regime change. Or was it something else entirely, still hidden? Or was the original media coverage and storyline correct?

    A further question:
    Perhaps the whole purpose of the piece is simply to muddy the waters. I am certainly looking at the mud now.

    Finally:
    Does anyone have a view on the credibility / agenda of global research.ca or the author Brian Becker?

    Regards
    Searcher
    *I have loved the stars too dearly to be fearful of the night*

  12. The Following 2 Users Say Thank You to Cara For This Post:

    giovonni (6th June 2014), syrwong (5th June 2014)

  13. Link to Post #8
    Hong Kong Avalon Member syrwong's Avatar
    Join Date
    5th January 2011
    Age
    69
    Posts
    818
    Thanks
    2,002
    Thanked 4,802 times in 736 posts

    Default Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    Quote Posted by Searcher (here)
    The Paul Craig Roberts website has this on about Tianamen Square.

    _______________________________________
    From PaulCraigRoberts.org:

    Tiananmen Square After 25 Years — Brian Becker
    http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2014...-brian-becker/

    The Tiananmen Square “massacre,” in which thousands of Chinese students were
    alleged by Washington and the presstitute media to have been massacred, was entirely a fabrication of the US government and its Ministry of Propaganda.

    No such massacre occurred, but the myth lives on.

    Brian Becker, who was on the scene, provides an accurate account of what was an
    effort by Washington to overthrow the Chinese government. China remains vulnerable, as is Russia. Both countries are filled with Washington-financed NGOs and “democracy
    advocates” that serve as fifth columns dedicated to the overthrow of the governments.

    The Russian and Chinese governments have been very careless by permitting these subversive agents to flourish and might yet pay a huge price for their carelessness, as Ukraine has paid.

    Brian Becker’s report is here: http://www.globalresearch.ca/what-re...rs-ago/5385528

    __________________
    From GlobalResearch.ca:

    What Really Happened in Tiananmen Square 25 Years Ago
    The massacre that wasn’t
    By Brian Becker

    Twenty-five years ago today, every U.S. media outlet, along with then President Bush and the U.S. Congress were whipping up a full scale frenzied hysteria and attack against the Chinese government for what was described as the cold-blooded massacre of many thousands of non-violent “pro-democracy” students who had occupied Tiananmen Square for seven weeks.

    The hysteria generated about the Tiananmen Square “massacre” was based on a fictitious narrative about what actually happened when the Chinese government finally cleared the square of protestors on June 4, 1989.

    The demonization of China was highly effective. Nearly all sectors of U.S. society, including most of the “left,” accepted the imperialist presentation of what happened.

    At the time the Chinese government’s official account of the events was immediately dismissed out of hand as false propaganda. China reported that about 300 people had died in clashes on June 4 and that many of the dead were soldiers of the Peoples Liberation Army. China insisted that there was no massacre of students in Tiananmen Square and in fact the soldiers cleared Tiananmen Square of demonstrators without any shooting.

    The Chinese government also asserted that unarmed soldiers who had entered Tiananmen Square in the two days prior to June 4 were set on fire and lynched with their corpses hung from buses. Other soldiers were incinerated when army vehicles were torched with soldiers unable to evacuate and many other were badly beaten by violent mob attacks.

    These accounts were true and well documented. It would not be difficult to imagine how violently the Pentagon and U.S. law enforcement agencies would have reacted if the Occupy movement, for instance, had similarly set soldiers and police on fire, taken their weapons and lynched them when the government was attempting to clear them from public spaces.

    In an article on June 5, 1989, the Washington Post described how anti-government fighters had been organized into formations of 100-150 people. They were armed with Molotov cocktails and iron clubs, to meet the PLA who were still unarmed in the days prior to June 4.

    What happened in China, what took the lives of government opponents and of soldiers on June 4, was not a massacre of peaceful students but a battle between PLA soldiers and armed detachments from the so-called pro-democracy movement.

    “On one avenue in western Beijing, demonstrators torched an entire military convoy of more than 100 trucks and armored vehicles. Aerial pictures of conflagration and columns of smoke have powerfully bolstered the [Chinese] government’s arguments that the troops were victims, not executioners. Other scenes show soldiers’ corpses and demonstrators stripping automatic rifles off unresisting soldiers,” admitted the Washington Post in a story that was favorable to anti-government opposition on June 12, 1989.

    The Wall Street Journal, the leading voice of anti-communism, served as a vociferous cheerleader for the “pro-democracy” movement. Yet, their coverage right after June 4 acknowledged that many “radicalized protesters, some now armed with guns and vehicles commandeered in clashes with the military” were preparing for larger armed struggles. The Wall Street Journal report on the events of June 4 portrays a vivid picture:

    “As columns of tanks and tens of thousands soldiers approached Tiananmen many troops were set on by angry mobs … [D]ozens of soldiers were pulled from trucks, severely beaten and left for dead. At an intersection west of the square, the body of a young soldier, who had beaten to death, was stripped naked and hung from the side of a bus. Another’s soldier corpse was strung at an intersection east of the square.”

    The massacre that wasn’t

    In the days immediately after June 4, 1989, the New York Times headlines, articles and editorials used the figure that “thousands” of peaceful activists had been massacred when the army sent tanks and soldiers into the Square. The number that the Times was using as an estimate of dead was 2,600. That figure was used at the go-to number of student activists who were mowed down in Tiananmen. Almost every U.S. media reported “many thousands” killed. Many media outlets said as many 8,000 had been slaughtered.

    Tim Russert, NBC’s Washington Bureau Chief, appearing later on Meet the Press said “tens of thousands” died in Tiananmen Square.

    The fictionalized version of the “massacre” was later corrected in some very small measure by Western reporters who had participated in the fabrications and who were keen to touch up the record so that they could say they made “corrections.” But by then it was too late and they knew that too. Public consciousness had been shaped. The false narrative became the dominant narrative. They had successfully massacred the facts to fit the political needs of the U.S. government.

    “Most of the hundreds of foreign journalists that night, including me, were in other parts of the city or were removed from the square so that they could not witness the final chapter of the student story. Those who tried to remain close filed dramatic accounts that, in some cases, buttressed the myth of a student massacre,” wrote Jay Mathews, the Washington Post’s first Bureau Chief in Beijing, in a 1998 article in the Columbia Journalism Review.

    Mathews’ article, which includes his own admissions to using the terminology of the Tiananmen Square massacre, came nine years after the fact and he acknowledged that corrections later had little impact.

    “The facts of Tiananmen have been known for a long time. When Clinton visited the square this June, both The Washington Post and The New York Times explained that no one died there [in Tiananmen Square] during the 1989 crackdown. But these were short explanations at the end of long articles. I doubt that they did much to kill the myth.”

    At the time all of the reports about the massacre of the students said basically the same thing and thus it seemed that they must be true. But these reports were not based on eyewitness testimony.

    What really happened

    For seven weeks leading up to June 4, the Chinese government was extraordinarily restrained in not confronting those who paralyzed the center of China’s central capital area. The Prime Minister met directly with protest leaders and the meeting was broadcast on national television. This did not defuse the situation but rather emboldened the protest leaders who knew that they had the full backing of the United States.

    The protest leaders erected a huge statue that resembled the United States’ Statue of Liberty in the middle of Tiananmen Square. They were signaling to the entire world that their political sympathies were with the capitalist countries and the United States in particular. They proclaimed that they would continue the protests until the government was ousted.

    With no end in sight the Chinese leadership decided to end the protests by clearing Tiananmen Square. Troops came into the Square without weapons on June 2 and many soldiers were beaten, some were killed and army vehicles were torched.

    On June 4, the PLA re-entered the Square with weapons. According to the U.S. media accounts of the time that is when machine gun toting PLA soldiers mowed down peaceful student protests in a massacre of thousands.

    China said that reports of the “massacre” in Tiananmen Square were a fabrication created both by Western media and by the protest leaders who used a willing Western media as a platform for an international propaganda campaign in their interests.

    On June 12, 1989, eight days after the confrontation, the New York Times published an “exhaustive” but in fact fully fabricated eyewitness report of the Tiananmen Massacre by a student, Wen Wei Po. It was full of detailed accounts of brutality, mass murder, and heroic street battles. It recounted PLA machine gunners on the roof of Revolutionary Museum overlooking the Square and students being mowed down in the Square. This report was picked up by media throughout the U.S.

    Although treated as gospel and irrefutable proof that China was lying, the June 12 “eyewitness” report by Wen Wei Po was so over the top and would so likely discredit the New York Times in China that the Times correspondent in Beijing, Nicholas Kristoff, who had served as a mouthpiece for the protestors, took exception to the main points in the article.

    Kristoff wrote in a June 13 article,

    “The question of where the shootings occurred has significance because of the Government’s claim that no one was shot on Tiananmen Square. State television has even shown film of students marching peacefully away from the square shortly after dawn as proof that they were not slaughtered.”

    “The central scene in the [eyewitness] article is of troops beating and machine-gunning unarmed students clustered around the Monument to the People’s Heroes in the middle of Tiananmen Square. Several other witnesses, both Chinese and foreign, say this did not happen,” Kristoff wrote.

    “There is also no evidence of machine-gun emplacements on the roof of the history museum that were reported in the Wen Wei Po article. This reporter was directly north of the museum and saw no machine guns there. Other reporters and witnesses in the vicinity also failed to see them.

    “The central theme of the Wen Wei Po article was that troops subsequently beat and machine-gunned students in the area around the monument and that a line of armored vehicles cut off their retreat. But the witnesses say that armored vehicles did not surround the monument – they stayed at the north end of the square – and that troops did not attack students clustered around the monument. Several other foreign journalists were near the monument that night as well and none are known to have reported that students were attacked around the monument,” Kristoff wrote in the June 13, 1989 article.

    The Chinese government’s account acknowledges that street fighting and armed clashes occurred in nearby neighborhoods. They say that approximately three hundred died that night including many soldiers who died from gunfire, Molotov cocktails and beatings. But they have insisted that there was no massacre.

    Kristoff too says that there were clashes on several streets but refutes the “eyewitness” report about a massacre of students in Tiananmen Square,

    “… Instead, the students and a pop singer, Hou Dejian, were negotiating with the troops and decided to leave at dawn, between 5 A.M. and 6 A.M. The students all filed out together. Chinese television has shown scenes of the students leaving and of the apparently empty square as troops moved in as the students left.”

    Attempted counter-revolution in China

    In fact, the U.S. government was actively involved in promoting the “pro-democracy” protests through an extensive, well-funded, internationally coordinated propaganda machine that pumped out rumors, half-truths and lies from the moment the protests started in mid-April 1989.

    The goal of the U.S. government was to carry out regime change in China and overthrow the Communist Party of China which had been the ruling party since the 1949 revolution. Since many activists in today’s progressive movement were not alive or were young children at the time of the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the best recent example of how such an imperialist destabilization/regime change operation works is revealed in the recent overthrow of the Ukrainian government. Peaceful protests in the downtown square receive international backing, financing and media support from the United States and Western powers; they eventually come under the leadership of armed groups who are hailed as freedom fighters by the Wall Street Journal, FOX News and other media; and finally the government targeted for overthrow by the CIA is fully demonized if it uses police or military forces.

    In the case of the “pro-democracy” protests in China in 1989 the U.S. government was attempting to create a civil war. The Voice of America increased its Chinese language broadcasts to 11 hours each day and targeted the broadcast “directly to 2,000 satellite dishes in China operated mostly by the Peoples Liberation Army.” (New York Times June 9, 1989)

    The Voice of America broadcasts to PLA units were filled with reports that some PLA units were firing on others and different units were loyal to the protestors and others with the government.

    The Voice of America and U.S. media outlets tried to create confusion and panic among government supporters. Just prior to June 4 they reported that China’s Prime Minister Li Peng had been shot and that Deng Xiaoping was near death.

    Most in the U.S. government and in the media expected the Chinese government to be toppled by pro-Western political forces as was starting to happening with the overthrow of socialist governments throughout Eastern and Central Europe at the time (1988-1991) following the introduction of pro-capitalist reforms by Gorbachev in the Soviet Union in 1991.

    In China, the “pro-democracy” protest movement was led by privileged, well-connected students from elite universities who were explicitly calling for the replacement of socialism with capitalism. The leaders were particularly connected to the United States. Of course, thousands of other students who participated in the protests were in the Square because they had grievances against the government.

    But the imperialist-connected leadership of the movement had an explicit plan to topple the government. Chai Ling, who was recognized as the top leader of the students, gave an interview to Western reporters on the eve of June 4 in which she acknowledged that the goal of the leadership was to lead the population in a struggle to topple the Communist Party of China, which she explained would only be possible if they could successfully provoke the government into violently attacking the demonstrations. That interview was aired in the film the “Gate of Heavenly Peace.” Chai Ling also explained why they couldn’t tell the rank and file student protestors about the leaders’ real plans.

    “The pursuit of wealth is part of the impetus for democracy,” explained another top student leader Wang Dan, in an interview with the Washington Post in 1993, on the fourth anniversary of the incident. Wang Dan was in all the U.S. media before and after the Tiananmen incident. He was famous for explaining why the elitist student leaders didn’t want Chinese workers joining their movement. He stated “the movement is not ready for worker participation because democracy must first be absorbed by the students and intellectuals before they can spread it to others.”

    Twenty-five years later – U.S. still seeks regime change and counter-revolution in China

    The action by the Chinese government to disperse the so-called pro-democracy movement in 1989 was met with bitter frustration within the United States political establishment.

    The U.S. imposed economic sanctions on China at first, but their impact was minimal and both the Washington political establishment and the Wall Street banks realized that U.S. corporations and banks would be the big losers in the 1990′s if they tried to completely isolate China when China was further opening its vast domestic labor and commodities market to the direct investment from Western corporations. The biggest banks and corporations put their own profit margins first and the Washington politicians took their cue from the billionaire class on this question.

    But the issue of counter-revolution in China will rear its head again. The economic reforms that were inaugurated after the death Mao opened the country to foreign investment. This development strategy was designed to rapidly overcome the legacy of poverty and under-development by the import of foreign technology. In exchange the Western corporations received mega profits. The post-Mao leadership in the Communist Party calculated that the strategy would benefit China by virtue of a rapid technology transfer from the imperialist world to China. And indeed China has made great economic strides. But in addition to economic development there has also developed a larger capitalist class inside of China and a significant portion of that class and their children are being wooed by all types of institutions financed by the U.S. government, U.S. financial institutions and U.S. academic centers.

    The Communist Party of China is also divided into pro-U.S. and pro-socialist factions and tendencies.

    Today, the United States government is applying ever greater military pressure on China. It is accelerating the struggle against China’s rise by cementing new military and strategic alliances with other Asian countries. It is also hoping that with enough pressure some in the Chinese leadership who favor abandoning North Korea will get the upper hand.

    If counter-revolution were to succeed in China the consequences would be catastrophic for the Chinese people and for China. China would in all likelihood splinter as a nation as happened to the Soviet Union when the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was toppled. The same fate befell the former Yugoslavia. Counter-revolution and dismemberment would hurtle China backwards. It would put the brakes on China’s spectacular peaceful rise out of under-development. For decades there has been a serious discussion within the U.S. foreign policy establishment about the dismemberment of China which would weaken China as a nation and allow the United States and Western powers to seize its most lucrative parts. This is precisely the scenario that cast China into its century of humiliation when Western capitalist powers dominated the country.

    The Chinese Revolution has gone through many stages, victories, retreats and setbacks. Its contradictions are innumerable. But still it stands. In the confrontation between world imperialism and the Peoples Republic of China, progressive people should know where they stand – it is not on the sidelines.

    ______________________________________________

    Sorry for posting such a long article. Long read with lots of details.

    A first comment:
    Having lived through anti-apartheid protests and police and military response in South Africa in the 80s, I must say that a viewpoint that "it didn't happen, it was all just a propaganda stunt", would be very insulting and distressing to most victims of a massacre and their families. Also, the story is always much more complicated than the single theme portrayed in the media, with many layers, factions and multiple points of betrayal through the system.

    A second comment:
    I am not sure what to make of this article and its intent. Paul Craig Roberts is definitely positioning it with a specific view to calling US behavior out as problematic (both then and now). But I am not sure about the full report by Brian Becker. The closing paragraph wants you to take sides. That seems too convenient a closing from an article that speaks of the complexities and the multiple agendas being played out.

    A question:
    Was this an earlier but "failed" incarnation of the Egypt recipe (lots of other places too) as the report portrays? I.e. Fund the protesters, create an organised resistance that can't be linked with you, have them carry out your goals to destabilise and secure a regime change. Or was it something else entirely, still hidden? Or was the original media coverage and storyline correct?

    A further question:
    Perhaps the whole purpose of the piece is simply to muddy the waters. I am certainly looking at the mud now.

    Finally:
    Does anyone have a view on the credibility / agenda of global research.ca or the author Brian Becker?

    Regards
    Searcher
    Very revealing article that proves how true the adage is: A lie told a thousand times becomes the truth. This lie is so firmly planted in the minds of almost every one and has never been questioned that it is impossible to tell anyone there was no massacre. Of the 8 million Hong Kongers I would say 99.8% believed a massacre took place, and the rest have no proof of otherwise. The digging of news articles of the time offers a good proof indeed.

  14. The Following User Says Thank You to syrwong For This Post:

    giovonni (6th June 2014)

  15. Link to Post #9
    Unsubscribed
    Join Date
    16th March 2010
    Posts
    22,426
    Thanks
    18,297
    Thanked 93,628 times in 20,439 posts

    Question Re: 25th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Masacre...and not a peep?

    will share this here ...

    Quote Posted by giovonni (here)
    Up At the Ranch And Beyond


    The Tank Man

    Frontline Documentary

    "After all others had been silenced, his lonely act of defiance against the Chinese regime amazed the world. What became of him? And 25 years later, has China succeeded in erasing this event from its history?"



+ Reply to Thread

Posting Permissions

  • You may not post new threads
  • You may not post replies
  • You may not post attachments
  • You may not edit your posts