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Thread: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

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    Avalon Member Kryztian's Avatar
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    Default The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    Well, for about eight decades, Israel had a great run there. It brought together Jewish people from Europe, Northern Africa, the Middle East, Norther America, the Soviet Union, Ethiopia and other parts of the world. It revived (or reinvented) the ancient language of Hebrew. It built the great modern city of Tel Aviv, built world class universities, hospitals, museums, libraries and concert halls and became a center for technology. It transformed arid land into farm land and created one of the highest standards of living in the Middle East. But it was built on a most shaky foundation and it will soon topple over in a most epic fashion like the tower of the Babel.

    Israel was built upon a foundation of racism, of apartheid, of violence and terrorism, and finally of genocide. When Jewish Zionist immigrants arrived on the shores of Palestine in the 1920s, eager to form a Zionist state, they faced one problem - they didn't have much land to live on - almost all of it was owned by people whose ancestors had been there for millennia and they didn't want to see it at a price the immigrants could afford. And so, Zionist began forming paramilitary groups like Haganah, Irgun, Lehi. At first they targeted the British, blowing up hotels and railroads and other infrastructure, and then they turned the focus on the Palestinians, showing up in Palestinian villages and offering them the choice between moving to another country or death.

    As more Jewish refugees showed up in Israel, it constructed an apartheid state, with one set of rights for Israelis and any Jews who wished to become Israeli, and another for the Palestinians. Over a million peaceful Palestinians were forced to leave the country at gun point. Many of those who remain can not vote, can rarely hold public office or positions of authority, can not always marry who they want, and are often forced to sell their land to Jewish Israelis, and have many other restrictions on their freedom. In the West Bank, they are often subject to physical attacks by Israel Jews and the police wjp will not protect them, meanwhile, if they retaliate and there is a complain to the police, they will terrorize the Palestinial local populace.

    Whether or not you want the State or Israel to continue, a good case has been makde that Israel is finally about to have it's day or reckoning.

    * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

    Alon Mizrahi is a Palestinian Jew. He is familiar with the different segments of both Arab and Israeli society and has thought deeply about the problems and internal conflicts within Israeli society and the political sphere and has some real interesting insights about how things are going to turn on in the next year or two, and about how the collapse of Israel is inevitable. I've bulleted pointed some of the insightful points he has made in his two part Youtube video.

    Part I


    • The IDF is collapsing - in the last few weeks there have been many deaths and many injured who will not make a full recovery. There is a great deal of tension between the Orthodox Jews who will not let their sons and daughters serve in the IDF and the rest of society who sees how overwhelmed it is.

    • The Iran-Israel 9 Day War is the first time in Israeli history that soldiers are fighting while worrying that their families are also under attack at the same time.

    • Tsrael will resume war against Iran soon, however Iran has enough fire power to defeat 5 Israels. In the 9 day war it only used a tiny part of it's arsenal of weapons, and there will be much more devastation in Israel if the war resumes.

    • Israel has never been so completely "drowned" in propaganda the way it is now. According to the media: everything is "amazing" and a "wonder" now that Israel has "defeated" Iran. The economy, the high tech industry are all doing "wonderfully", it's all "idyllic". Per Mizrahi, the government is doing a great crime by lying to the public, telling everything is doing so great, when in fact everything is collapsing. The government now claims there will be normalization of relations with Saudi Arabia, Indonesia and Oman which is utter rubbish.

    • Zionism is a state of violent denial. Denial of the Nakba, denial of apartheid. Israel can not admit defeat or weakness. It does not want thoughtful people in positions of power, it only want hysterical, violent and shallow thinkers who can repeat empty platitudes. Intelligent people are driven away.

    • Jewish Zionists mistakenly believe that they have taken over the MAGA movement in the USA and have harnessed "anti-semitism".

    • Iran's intention is not to kill Israelis. It is to disrupt the country and to destroy media outlets.


    Part II

    • It will not take months, but only days and weeks, for Israel to be destroyed in a war with iran.

    • Atomic weapons will not be used in a war with Iran. - Israel would be unlikely to use nukes because (1) they don't know for sure that Iran does or does not have nukes, or if it could develop them quickly, or couldn't get a bomb from Pakistan, their neighbor. 2) Five nukes that successfully hit Iran would not destroy it - it is a huge country, but one bomb around Tel Aviv will destroy most of the population (3) Iran is near three nuclear countries: Russia, Pakistan and China, all of them would receive the fallout from a nuclear attack on Israel - Israel would suffer huge retaliation from them as well. Mizrahi rules out the possibility of Israel using atomic weapons. The likelihood of Israel using nukes is just about zero.

    • The political impasse in Israel - opposing movements in the government will cancel each other out and make it impossible for constructive solutions. These forces cannot work together. There is a long discussion about the different segments of Israeli political factions who all hate each other although some of them can talk to each other, but usually not - the only thing they have in common is that they hate the Palestinians (who are only about 20% of the legislative force, and have no allies) although the left pretends to be horrified about how Palestinians are treated. The liberal Israelis and the Orthodox could be allies, but they are deeply divided because the Orthodox will not serve in the IDF, and the liberals also are some of the richest people in Israel who own the most land which the Likud and others would like to see fall into their hand. In summary, Israelis are so divided in their interests, ideologies and beliefs, as reflected by their political parties, and they can not form a national strategy. (The explanation of Israeli political factions is one of the best I've heard.)

      (42:20) Since Israel is so racist and everyone hates Palestinians, it can not make peace with the past, the present or the future.
    • Why Israel would prefer to go to war now rather than later (e.g. 5 years from now.): because all of it's political powers are colliding. Israel needs to be in crisis (with Palestinian, Hezbollah, etc.) to avoid an existential crisis (of meaning, purpose, to confront it's historical demons). There is no constructive vision for the country. So crisis becomes necessary and the solution is to go to war.

    • Israel will eventually disintegrate as a large stage Intifada breaks out. The IDF and police will be understaffed and will have to retreat and they will loose control of the country.

    * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

    Mizrahi makes an overwhelming case, and yet he doesn't even mention some of the other serious situations that also do not bode well for Israel:
    • The financial situation. Israel is not in a worse situation with its national debt than Argentina and Greece ever was, but no one is causing for austerity measures. An epic melt down on the financial level is just too hard to imagine on top of all the other crisises it is facing.

    • The growing international consciousness that Israel is now and has been since 1947 a war crimes state, and the complete lack of support for it. Will the United States, Germany and Great Britain be able to bail out Israel militarily and financially when it is so immensely unpopular.

    • The whole situation bodes well for the BRICS countries, most of whom recognize the State of Palestine, and who will be there to help rebuild it. This could be a big opportunity for them to win some great publicity.

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    Default Re: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    Quote Posted by Kryztian (here)
    Israel was built upon a foundation of racism, of apartheid, of violence and terrorism, and finally of genocide.
    Yes, it was.

    Quote Posted by Kryztian (here)
    and it will soon topple over in a most epic fashion like the tower of the Babel.
    And yes, it will. 2027 may be about right, though Israel might finally implode next year. The resumption of the war with Iran, combined with the accelerating weakness of the US, may both play a part.

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    Default Re: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    Without the billions funneled every year from the world superpower using it as a proxy for its middle east oil agenda, nothing for this little US county would be possible.
    It will be there as long is needed.

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    Default Re: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    Every day, more and more Americans are hating AIPAC. Israel can't survive with USA support, and USA support is eroding.


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    Default Re: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    "...americans ...public ...opinion ...especially youth..."
    as if that ever had any power or relevance at all

    sweet summer child

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    Default Re: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    Quote Posted by dim (here)
    "...americans ...public ...opinion ...especially youth..."
    as if that ever had any power or relevance at all

    sweet summer child


    No, it doesn't.

    If I had any relevance, the abomination would have been purged around 1985. I'd do it myself.

    Have you all noticed that in most of these conflicts, an American can find a ratline to join Al Qaeda or Ukraine by playing on their X-box? But if you want to take the other side, there's...maybe an opportunity to get arrested off an unarmed boat.

    It won't last more than a few days against Iran, but that requires something to trigger it. I'm not sure if they are bold enough to use the "lack of reparations" from the recent attack as a causus belli. They are being super careful not to tread on perceived order. But it probably requires a declaration of war. That is a legal relationship that goes on until the surrender of one party to another.

    Hezbollah is similar, they have done nothing while Israel attacked Lebanon over three thousand times. So the Lebanese government just broke.

    What happens to Israel as a consequence of economic attrition is murky to me. It's great but I think it may be too slow, just a factor of agitation, unless everyone in the world really did cut off everything.

    Personally, I take the utter demise of the little sock puppet as just step one in snuffing the whole idea out of the human mind.

    Until then, I welcome an area for posting those things that are particularly destructive to it.

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    Default Re: The end of the state of Israel (1947 - 202?)

    I tried peering in the fog of this. because, in recent times, we know of ways that show the destruction of a state, but not a whole lot about a collapse from within.

    Is that what happened to the Soviet Union? I wasn't paying attention and it was suddenly gone, like that Iron Curtain, and that seemed like a great thing because I don't like symbols of suppression, or make-believe "enemies" when usually humanity is not against itself. So I thought Russia was great and for a time seemed to work perfectly well, until some politicians came along and buried what I valued.

    So what would "stopping" it look like, if it's probably not the prime minister being shot by a missile, or a large invasion overtaking the area.


    I don't know but it probably *is* plunged in an inescapable mire of economic attrition.

    As usual, there are some good "indicators", like stock market up and inflation down.

    Since that's not how the world works, here are a couple of articles from a broad perspective.


    Middle East Eye:

    Quote Iran's recent campaign of strikes against Israel has redrawn the theatre of conflict, shifting away from kinetic warfare alone towards a strategic offensive against the economic and financial infrastructure underpinning Israeli state power.

    What began as a retaliatory strike has become a multidimensional assault, aiming not only to inflict immediate costs but also to destabilise the fiscal and logistical foundations of Israel's war economy.

    The missile strike targeting the home of Dani Naveh, CEO of the Development Corporation for Israel, commonly known as Israel Bonds, was no coincidence. Naveh is not merely a bureaucratic figurehead - he is the architect of Israel's global bond sales operation.

    Since October 2023, his leadership has driven over $5bn in capital inflows from diaspora and institutional buyers, including $1.7bn from US public bodies. These bonds, insulated from secondary markets and sold directly, have become a critical fiscal artery for a state at war.

    By striking Naveh, Tehran targeted Israel's debt-raising mechanism at its most vulnerable point: investor confidence.

    In doing so, it signalled to global markets that no Israeli economic or financial node is immune. This is not merely a disruption of personnel - it is an attempt to discredit Israel's entire wartime financial scaffolding.

    Simultaneously, Iran's attacks on Tel Aviv's financial district and Haifa's strategic port and refinery infrastructure suggest a doctrine of coherent financial attrition.

    The twin strikes - cyber and kinetic - disrupted refinery operations critical to both industrial and civilian energy supply.

    Israel, already strained by soaring wartime expenditure, must now contend with fuel bottlenecks and cascading costs across its logistics and production chains.

    Maritime chokehold

    The most consequential blow to Israel's economy came through the global maritime sector. On 20 June, Maersk, the world's largest container shipping firm, announced the suspension of all vessel calls at Israel's Port of Haifa.

    The move, triggered by the risk of further Iranian retaliation, turned threat into market exclusion.

    No naval blockade was declared, yet the effect was the same. With insurance premiums on Israeli-bound shipments soaring past one percent of vessel value, Israel's maritime economy entered a de facto embargo.

    This disruption dwarfs the earlier Red Sea shipping crisis caused by the Houthi blockade.

    The Bab al-Mandab chokepoint merely rerouted cargo. Maersk's exit from Haifa severed it altogether. Haifa is Israel's principal Mediterranean gateway for industrial machinery, pharmaceuticals, and strategic imports.

    Without it, the Israeli economy becomes brittle and prone to inflation.

    Import costs have increased, and inventory gaps are expected to widen. The government will be forced to subsidise logistics at enormous fiscal cost or rely on substandard shipping firms operating under flag-of-convenience regimes.

    Only after the ceasefire brokered by US President Donald Trump was announced did Maersk confirm it would resume vessel calls at the Port of Haifa, reopening both import and export services.

    Nonetheless, the pressure during the clash was significant and prevented Israel from ignoring the cost of its war.

    Strategic resilience

    Iran, in contrast, has spent minimally to achieve maximal disruption. Its missile operations, estimated at $2bn to $3bn, are structured as strategic investments.

    The government has preserved macroeconomic stability through tight currency controls, off-market oil diplomacy, and selective austerity.

    By weaponising psychological deterrence, Tehran has achieved what years of sanctions could not: making Israel's financial ecosystem appear unstable, vulnerable, and fundamentally unsustainable.

    Iran has long lived under sanctions and siege, and has developed the capacity to endure such conditions for decades.

    This has given it a hardened resilience that decisively outmatches Israel's war economy, which is deeply dependent on global capital markets, western political backing, and short-cycle military dominance.

    Unlike Israel, which cannot sustain prolonged disruption without risking economic and political breakdown, Iran's system is built for survival through attrition.

    Its strategic patience, forged through decades of pressure, gives it a deeper national resolve that threatens to outlast and wear down the Israeli state's ability to finance and justify an extended war.

    Fiscal freefall

    Israel's economic crisis is not just one of cost but of confidence.

    The shekel has depreciated steadily since October 2023. Bond yields are rising. Credit default swaps are pricing in elevated risk. Foreign investment is drying up. Small and medium-sized enterprises are folding. Credit ratings have been downgraded.


    Lost working hours across cities under alert have translated into productivity shocks and tax shortfalls. Unemployment is rising. Public anger is growing.

    The government's response - raising the value-added tax, slashing social spending, and issuing more domestic debt - is not a recovery plan. It is fiscal triage.

    Education, health, and public infrastructure spending are being cannibalised to fund ongoing military operations. The long-term costs will outlast the war. Human capital is eroding. Capital and human flight is intensifying. Trust in the state's economic management is faltering.

    And now, for the first time in half a century, Israel has issued an international plea not for arms, but for cash.

    Tel Aviv has formally requested that Gulf states, Germany, Britain, and France contribute economic aid to sustain its wartime footing. This is not strategic outreach - it is an admission of exhaustion.

    The war is no longer financially containable within Israeli borders. This appeal also lays bare an uncomfortable contradiction: a state that celebrated economic self-reliance has become dependent on external infusion just to remain solvent.

    This is not fiscal resilience - it is financial collapse in slow motion.

    Opportunistic gambit

    Iran's strategy has delivered its most significant result yet - not the destruction of Israeli military assets, but the destabilisation of its war-financing apparatus.

    The strikes have triggered a wider unravelling of shipping corridors, bond markets, investor sentiment, and public confidence. Israel is not just fighting on seven military fronts. It is now fighting for economic survival.

    The Iranian attack on Israel has paradoxically helped Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu deflect mounting domestic criticism by reframing the conflict as an existential national struggle rather than a political liability.

    However, the limited success of the US strike on Iran's nuclear facility on 22 June underscores that this is not a war of quick victories, but one of attrition, where strategic resolve will ultimately determine the outcome.

    The ceasefire that concluded the latest round of hostilities between Iran and Israel does not signify resolution, but recalibration.

    In the vacuum of mutual exhaustion, the US, under Trump, has seized the opportunity to reposition itself not merely as an arbiter but as the architect of the post-conflict regional order.

    Trump's recent moves reflect not strategic generosity but an opportunistic gambit, capitalising on Iran's strategic gains and Israel's fiscal exhaustion to reassert American influence across the Middle East by reshaping infrastructure, economic dependencies, and political alignments.

    A pivotal development preceding the escalation was Iran's inauguration of a direct railway link to China, reducing shipping times to approximately 15 days.

    More significantly, it facilitates transactions beyond the reach of dollar-based financial systems and sanctions enforcement.

    By embedding itself within China's Belt and Road Initiative, Iran signalled a deliberate move to reorient its economic future away from the western-led order.

    The subsequent joint US-Israeli strikes against Iranian infrastructure suggest that this infrastructural pivot - rather than nuclear enrichment alone - was partially perceived as a primary threat.

    American designs

    Following the ceasefire, the US has adopted a transactional approach to contain further Iranian gains.

    The Trump administration's decision to allow Chinese refiners to resume purchases of Iranian oil, since revoked, reflects a calculated use of selective relief to slow Iran's strategic deepening with China.

    This is not a concession but an attempt to draw Iran into financial arrangements governed by US institutions, thereby preserving a degree of control over its liquidity and trade exposure.

    In parallel, the US has intensified its use of multilateral finance as a strategic tool against Iran.

    The World Bank's electricity grant to Syria, although framed as a development initiative, serves to weaken Iran's influence over the future of Syria. Similar efforts are underway in Lebanon, targeting Hezbollah's parallel service networks.

    These moves are designed to stabilise the architecture underpinning the Abraham Accords.

    With Israel facing fiscal strain and declining deterrence credibility, regional calm is crucial to preserving economic integration with Gulf states and protecting the viability of projects like the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor.

    Iran's capacity to disrupt shipping lanes and energy flows has underscored the fragility of these initiatives.

    In sum, the US is pursuing a strategy of infrastructural counterweight and institutional encirclement. It seeks to neutralise Iran's strategic momentum not through escalation, but through selective accommodation, economic instruments, and containment.

    This approach marks a shift from military dominance to structural influence, aimed at managing, rather than resolving, the contradictions of the current regional order.

    Through initiatives like the Abraham Shield plan, the US hopes to transform Israel's wartime momentum into a durable order anchored in strategic deterrence, economic integration and political normalisation.



    Al Majalla:

    Quote Following the 12-day war between Israel and Iran—which ended with direct US strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, a halt to hostilities, and the resumption of US-Iranian negotiations—Israel has incurred significant and wide-ranging economic losses.

    These losses have been mounting since 8 October 2023, when the war on Gaza began. Israel’s conflict with Hezbollah, its strikes against the Houthis in Yemen, and the recent bombing of official Syrian targets in Damascus, have further compounded the pain. With Israel still threatening its adversaries across the Middle East, the bill may yet be higher.

    For 21 months, Israel has waged war in an attempt to break Iran’s ‘Axis of Resistance’. It has achieved a measure of success, but the economic cost of such a prolonged war has been devastating for the Israeli state. This is no simple war. Its objective is to eliminate Iran’s regional proxies—politically, economically, and financially—and to “change the Middle East,” as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has repeatedly declared.

    That change is economic and financial, not merely political and security-related. But the cost is high, given how deeply rooted Iran and its proxies are in the region, having spent decades building political and security networks that have expanded into parallel economic and financial systems mirroring those of the states where Iran’s allies operate.

    Diverse military losses and costs

    The David’s Sling system, developed jointly by Israel and the US to intercept missiles aimed at Israel, costs around $700,000 per activation, assuming two interceptors are launched per shot. That’s the minimum, according to Yehoshua Kalisky, senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. The Arrow 3 system, which also defends against long-range ballistic missiles, costs approximately $4mn per interception, while the older version—Arrow 2—costs around $3mn per shot.

    Kalisky also noted the cost of keeping dozens of fighter jets, such as F-35s, in the air for several hours at distances of up to 2,000km from Israeli territory. Each aircraft costs an estimated $10,000 per flight hour, not including fuel and ammunition. Zvi Eckstein, head of the Aaron Institute for Economic Policy at Reichman University in Israel, stated that the daily cost of war with Iran far exceeded that of operations in Gaza or with Hezbollah, due to the scale of both defensive and offensive munitions.

    Eckstein estimated that a month-long conflict with Iran could cost around $12bn, according to The Wall Street Journal. The paper quoted experts as saying Israel's highest individual cost is in the missiles required to intercept Iranian rockets, amounting to between $10mn and $200mn per day.



    The Israeli newspaper Maariv reported that Iranian attacks caused significant damage to property and infrastructure, stirring public discontent among citizens who felt their government had failed to protect them. The government has struggled to compensate residents affected by the attacks due to bureaucratic complications. In parallel, the Israeli daily Haaretz noted that the war on Gaza has caused high casualty rates among Israeli troops, with growing frustration among the ranks due to a lack of clear objectives.

    Meanwhile, the Israeli government is facing internal criticism over its ongoing military operations in Gaza. Without any tangible achievements, questions are being asked about the campaign's usefulness. What's more, analysts have warned that continued hostilities on the Lebanese front could lead to a prolonged war of attrition, according to Monte Carlo Doualiya, weakening Israel's military and economic capabilities.

    The soaring economic burden of war

    Israel's Ministry of Finance estimated that the cost of the war, as of late 2024, stood at $31bn, with expectations that this could rise to $70bn by the end of 2025, according to the Palestine Chronicle. The outlet also reported that the war has destroyed vast swathes of forests and agricultural lands, negatively affecting both the economy and the environment in Israel.

    In an interview with Al Majalla, Professor Khodr Zaarour, an expert in international relations at North Carolina State University, said: "Investment, trade, and infrastructure have all been affected by Israel's wars in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and Iran. Additionally, military spending has steadily increased at the expense of funds originally allocated for development and the operation of state institutions and municipalities. The Israeli state is losing $5bn from its government programmes every three months by transferring them to the Ministry of Defence."

    Zaarour added: "Israel's defence system is incurring daily losses ranging from $10mn to $200mn, covering defence infrastructure, interceptor missiles, and the Iron Dome, all aimed at neutralising the impact of missiles targeting Israel from Lebanon, Gaza, Yemen, and, most recently, Iran. During the war on Gaza, Israel was also targeted by a missile from Iraq. There are also indirect losses resulting from missile strikes, including spending on emergency medical services, evacuations, and various forms of assistance to Israeli citizens due to the war. These are all economic costs."

    These costs have been heightened by significant reductions in tourism and damage to Israel's international standing. "There are also losses related to tourism, travel, and transport caused by airport closures," said Zaarour. "Not only did Israeli citizens flee the country via sea or overland through Jordan and Sinai, but foreign businessmen, company owners, investors, and many evangelicals who spend money in Israel also left.

    "As for the investments that were promised to Israel for the summer, amounting to $10bn, they were thrown into disarray. Some were delayed, and others were redirected. Many investors have postponed their plans until 2026. The one-year delay in operationalising these investments represents another layer of losses, estimated at $6bn in lost tax and fee revenues over a year or more."

    Foreign aid to Israel

    In his interview with Al Majalla, Zaarour confirmed that "Major powers like the US, the UK, and France support Israel in this situation to avoid the appearance of loss and decline in front of both domestic and international public opinion. Such an image would have dire consequences for attracting trust, which is considered the most significant and economically damaging loss. Israel realises that it's been working for 78 years to build a viable state and doesn't want to see its achievements disappear due to the Gaza war. A loss of investor confidence would be its most severe setback."

    Reconstruction in Israel "may prove difficult, even if the security situation stabilises in the near future, because the missiles that struck Israel affected national security," continued Zaarour. "These are economic losses, not merely security or military ones… Israel's economic losses are becoming more layered, including a drop in annual tax revenue, rising national debt, damage to infrastructure, destruction of housing and agriculture, and losses in personal property. The government is reimbursing insurance companies for the cost of these damages, not to mention the loss of direct capital flight."

    "The losses of Ben Gurion Airport also worsened due to flight rerouting or cancellations," added Zaarour. "The daily losses were estimated at $6mn, including compensation for passengers affected by delays. In addition, there's the personal cost of travel cancellations for citizens, which directly impacts their household budgets, especially since the airport was closed for 12 days."

    In addition, foreign labour has been significantly affected. Most workers, said Zaarour, have left Israel and not returned due to a lack of security. For Israel, which relies heavily on this workforce for agriculture, industry, construction, and cleaning, this is another measurable economic loss.

    Positive indicators in the Israeli economy

    Despite the ongoing conflict, the Israeli economy is showing remarkable signs of resilience, with key indicators pointing toward a strong recovery. Its GDP recorded an annual growth rate of 3.4% in the first quarter of 2025, later revised upwards to 3.7%. This was driven by a surge in exports—particularly in natural gas and defence technologies—alongside a rebound in private consumption and infrastructure investment. Inflation has begun to recede after peaking earlier in the year, while the unemployment rate has remained low at around 2.6%, and the shekel has stabilised.

    The advanced technology and defence sectors have played a pivotal role in this recovery, continuing to attract global investment despite heightened regional tensions. Notably, the fields of cybersecurity, AI, and advanced manufacturing have shown particular strength, while major defence companies, such as Elbit Systems, have experienced a significant rise in demand for their products in both domestic and international markets. These sectors have played a crucial role in supporting economic activity and maintaining investor confidence, even amid wartime conditions.

    The strong performance of the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange stands out as a remarkable indicator of this resilience and confidence. After a sharp decline in the wake of the 8 October attack, the TA-35 Index rose by nearly 14%, while the broader TA-125 Index surged by around 50% over a year, making the Israeli market one of the best-performing globally during this period.

    Collateral financial losses for the US

    It's also necessary to account for the collateral financial losses sustained by other countries. The US, for example, has incurred significant expenses through its assistance to Israel in striking Iran's nuclear facilities.

    According to a report prepared by the Congressional Research Service, Israel has been the top recipient of US foreign aid since the Second World War. The report states that since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Washington has provided Tel Aviv with $158bn in missile defence assistance alone. Between 1971 and 2007, Israel also received substantial economic support.

    In 2016, Washington and Tel Aviv signed a third 10-year memorandum of understanding on military aid, which came into effect in 2019 and extends through 2028. The agreement includes $38bn in military assistance, comprising $33bn in foreign military financing and an additional $5bn for missile defence systems. Under this arrangement, Israel has already received 50 F-35 fighter jets as part of three separate assistance packages, according to the report.

    Additional costs of the Gaza war

    Aside from the losses and costs mentioned above, Israel's trade relations have been significantly impacted. Several countries, led by the UK, have threatened to suspend talks on enhancing trade agreements in response to Israel's policies in Gaza.

    In May, the UK, France, and Canada threatened to take "concrete action" against Israel if it did not lift its blockade on humanitarian aid into Gaza. Likewise, the European Union announced a review of its trade cooperation agreement with Israel.

    According to UN statistics, the UK ranked 11th among exporters to Israel, with a total export value of $1.96bn in 2024. The UK was also the eighth-largest importer of Israeli goods, purchasing $1.57bn worth of exports, including diamonds, chemical products, and electronics.

    These statistics also revealed that Israeli imports from around the world totalled $91.5bn in 2024, while its exports stood at $61.7bn. The US was the largest importer of Israeli goods, buying $17.3bn worth of products in 2024, followed by Ireland ($3.2bn) and China ($2.8bn). Had some Western countries followed through on their threats to review trade agreements, Israel's economic losses would have been far greater.

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